Tuesday, February 5, 2013

Warning: antibiotic drug resistance diseases..serious threat

Drug-resistant infections could pose ‘apocalyptic scenario’, medical experts warn

Antibiotic resistance is an increasingly urgent concern for public health officials, as new drug-resistant diseases emerge.
By Jennifer Yang, Toronto Star, January 24, 2013
Imagine a world where knee surgery is a potentially life-threatening procedure and you will begin to understand the “apocalyptic scenario” described by Britain’s chief medical officer.

On Wednesday, Dame Sally Davies warned a U.K. parliamentary committee about the dangers of antibiotic drug resistance, a threat so dire she wants it added to Britain’s register of civil emergencies — alongside other dangers such as terrorist threats, pandemic influenza and natural disasters.
“The apocalyptic scenario is that when I need a new hip in 20 years, I’ll die of a routine infection because we’ve run out of antibiotics,” Davies said. “It’s very serious because we are not using our antibiotics effectively in countries.”
This is not the first time Davies has used dramatic language to describe antibiotic drug resistance — she has previously called it a threat as serious to mankind as global warming.
Nor is Davies alone in sounding the alarm; warning flags have been raised everywhere from the pages of leading medical journals to the World Health Organization. And earlier this month, the World Economic Forum included antibiotic drug resistance in its Global Risks 2013 report, calling it “arguably the greatest risk of hubris to human health.”
“Many people take for granted that antibiotics will always be available when we need them, but soon this may no longer be the case,” the report stated.
Dr. Margaret Chan, director-general of the World Health Organization, puts it much more starkly: “A post-antibiotic era means, in effect, an end to modern medicine as we know it. Things as common as strep throat or a child’s scratched knee could once again kill.”
The threat of drug resistance has been looming for as long as there have been antibiotics. In 1945, Alexander Fleming — discoverer of penicillin — told the New York Times his drug should be used sparingly to slow bacterial resistance.
One might say the story of antibiotic resistance was first told by Charles Darwin — natural selection ensures that antibiotic-resistant bacteria will be the ones to survive, multiply and proliferate.
The evolutionary process has been sped along, however, by the widespread overuse of antibiotics — in the United States, more than three million kilograms of antibiotics were given to patients in 2009, according to an editorial in The New England Journal of Medicine published Thursday.
So now the world is grappling with emerging diseases such as drug-resistant gonorrhea, extremely drug-resistant tuberculosis, and superbugs that cause unnecessary deaths from hospital-acquired infections.
Part of the problem is that medical progress has actually increased our dependence on antibiotics, said microbiologist Allison McGeer, head of infection control at Mount Sinai hospital.
“Sixty years ago, you just died of cancer; now we can treat you for cancer but infections are a side effect of that,” she said. “And surgeries — we use antibiotics with almost every surgery we perform to reduce the risk of infection afterwards.”
As bacteria become more resistant, the pipeline for new drugs has also been drying up. According to the World Economic Forum report, no new classes of antibiotics have been discovered since 1987.
The existing market model simply doesn’t work, McGeer said. Pharmaceutical companies profit more from drugs used to treat chronic diseases, not antibiotics that patients use for just a few days, she said.
Whatever the solution, it will be a complicated one — and prevention will have to be a cornerstone.
“The most effective way of not using antibiotics is to not have the infection in the first place,” McGeer said.



Do we have to value only money, and give everything a monetary value?

An Economic Alternative to Exploitative Free Market Capitalism
By Thomas Hedges, Center for Study of Responsive Law from truthdig.com, January 31, 2013

In 1649, a group of English communists started fighting the notion of private property in what became known as the commons movement. They were using the unstable period in England’s history to introduce a new economy, one that would see land, wells and other means of wealth as shared resources. This group would prevent a small class of people from collecting and consolidating the rights to basic human life, such as water and food. In an annual celebration that doubled as a protest, they would circle the village commons and level or dig up any hedges and fences that designated spots of private ownership. They became known as the “levelers” or “diggers.”
The movement, which was subsequently quelled in 1651 by landowners and the Council of State, has seen a revival in the past decade. It remained dormant for so many years because of its fundamental threat to modern economics, putting community needs at the center of society rather than those of the individual.
The commons protects large resources from privatization, such as the lobster fisheries in Maine or grassland management in Mongolia, and allows collectives to regulate extraction. Exploitation is avoided because no one individual has more of a right to the source than any other.
“[The commons]” is “an intellectually coherent way of talking about inalienable value, which we don’t have a vocabulary for,” David Bollier, author of “The Wealth of the Commons,” said in a conference Tuesday at the Heinrich Böll Foundation in Washington, D.C.
It is a way, Bollier says, of formally introducing the “political, public policy, cultural, social, personal, even spiritual” aspects of life into our economic system, which now, he says, can deal only with monetary value.
“You could say that it’s a different metaphysics than that of the modern liberal state,” he says, “which looks at the individual as the sole agent.”
The commons movement is a reaction to exploitative free market capitalism. It rejects the notion that resources, spaces and other assets are purely a means to wealth. It condemns the privatization of public works, such as the parking meters in Chicago, which allows the sovereign wealth fund that controls it to increase the rates.
When an economy allocates wealth to private entities, Bollier says, those property rights inevitably get consolidated until a few large institutions control its means.
Instead, he says, we need to protect the commons with rules that bar individual ownership of that property. It is not, however, a space that is left as a free-for-all; it still has regulations and state recognition that prevent private groups from exploiting it.
The commons introduces a “role for organized self-governance as opposed to government,” Bollier says, “although they can be made complimentary.” The community manages the resource and has an involved interest in keeping others from decreasing its supply, he says, because the license belongs to the public.
But the commons is not restricted to natural resources—it extends to the Web, science and other technologies.
The Internet has become the setting for a fierce battle between public advocates that would like to designate forums as open and free, and companies that seek to control more of its content through bills like the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and the Protect IP Act (PIPA). Many programmers have handed over their copyright ownership to the public in the form of General Public Licenses and Creative Commons licenses, which allow the public to use and contribute to forums without having to pay for usage. It also keeps companies from using personal information, as with Facebook, to target potential consumers.
Additionally, one-fifth of the human genome is privately owned through patents. Salt Lake City-based Myriad Genetics, for example, owns the breast cancer susceptibility gene, which guarantees monopoly control over research into cancer. It discourages many other researchers from exploring treatment, something that could ultimately stunt our capacity for medical advances.
The issue extends further: Monsanto uses Genetically Modified Organisms to displace natural seeds, multinational water bottle companies are privatizing groundwater, and software companies retain copyrights on mathematical algorithms that others then cannot use.
“Enclosure,” Bollier says about patents and private ownership, “is about dispossession. It’s a process by which the powerful convert a shared community resource into a market commodity … This is known as development.
“The strange thing about the commons is that it’s invisible because it’s outside of the market and the state,” Bollier says. “It’s not seen as valuable and isn’t recognized because it has little to do with property rights for markets or geopolitical power … but there’s an estimated 2 billion people around the world whose lives depend upon commons like fisheries, forests, irrigation water and so forth.”
The neoliberal market does not, paradoxically, grasp the purpose behind the commons. Our current system is one-dimensional, Bollier says, and is designed to attach a price to everything.
For years, sustainability experts have sought ways to incorporate moderation and conservation into the neoliberal model through such incentives as cap and trade. But companies, Bollier says, will pay the extra fees until it is no longer economically viable, proving that in a system of privatization, people are willing to shell out penalty payments as long as they do not disrupt their profits.
“There’s an allure in trying to meet microeconomics and neoliberal economics on its own ground,” says Carroll Muffett, moderator of the discussion and president of the Center for International Environmental Law, “to say ‘if you want to put a price on everything, here’s the price for this and look how massive the price is,’ whether it’s access to water or it’s pollination … but for me the danger is: Is meeting them on their own ground what we should be doing? Is there an inherent compromise in there that risks giving up something that ultimately cannot have a value put on it?”
Until recently, Bollier and Muffett say, there has been much wiggle room for the free market to expand. But as the basic needs of fresh water, energy and food are being overproduced or vanishing because of climate change, companies are finding that their only options are to draw from the scant resources of Third World communities to meet their profit margins. It is a test to see what, in the end, neoliberalism holds higher in value: money or life.
Muffett says that question has already been answered in the building of the coal-fired Medupi Power Station in South Africa. An assessment of the power station projected that there wouldn’t be enough water to keep the plant operating and meet the needs of the local community. The watershed adjacent to the plant is already so overtaxed that it doesn’t reach the sea. The company, Eskom, proposed to reroute water from another watershed for its main operation and use the local supply for its filtration system. It would raise the price of water for the community to keep “poachers” from draining the source.
“The water that’s being poached,” Muffett says, “is to give people access to fresh water and to water their crops for subsistence living.
“Putting a price on that for a community is ultimately missing the point. The water isn’t fungible. If I give you my gallon of water and you give me $1,000, I can’t drink the thousand dollars.”
Both Bollier and Muffett say this is the result of an economy based on the philosophies of Thomas Malthus and John Locke, whose models do not guarantee the right of existence. To exist, one must have money. It becomes the defining characteristic of life.
“That’s the risk in the natural capital approach,” Muffett says. “It’s saying ‘if you give me a thousand dollars, that’s a substitute for my bees, my pollinators, for the land where my ancestors are buried.’ And there is no substitute for that.”
This article was made possible by the Center for Study of Responsive Law.





Drones, evidence of a sick social pathology

But while the indiscriminate casualties of traditional warfare elicit horror, there’s a particular revulsion to a sci-fi assassin that’s the psychological equivalent of an alien from outer space. It is to hear, in the background, the hollow chuckle: “earthlings, there is no place to hide.”

Drone strikes are an existential leap in warfare — from the slogging all-against-all combat of Second World War epics to the fingerprintless elimination of terrorists and even potential terrorist acts by people in other countries who have never encountered them on a battlefield.
But they also open the door on a moral and legal miasma. Ultimately they are your judge, jury and executioner — but they give you no case to answer. They blur the laws of war and stretch the rule of law to the breaking point. (from "'Earthlings, there is no place to hide’ — drone strikes blur the laws of war" by Olivia Ward, Toronto Star, February 3, 2013, below)
Wresting public support for "national security" from the Republican Party, in the years since Obama's first inauguration has been both a strategic and tactical success. Osama binLaden is dead. And from multiple sources, the head of the snake, known as AlQaeda, has been removed. However, the legacy of terrorist recruitment and American complicity in a moral and legal "miasma" as Ms Ward calls it, based on the extensive deployment of the clinical drones on Obama's watch, will hang like a toxic and unmoveable cloud over the reputation of the United States, different from, but just as noxious, as the international reputation left by George W. Bush. 
Any program conducted deliberately, under the fog of war banner, would be suspect. The Drone campaign(s), conducted by the CIA are even more suspect, the kind of program that one might have associated with the former Soviet Union, against one of its satellite countries. Transferring the Drone program to the Pentagon, while perhaps enabling more steps of both scrutiny and accountability at the front end, would still result in deaths of innocents whose power to prove their innocence is removed instantly and irrevocably by the power of a Hellfire missile, choreographed from some office in Nevada.
Intellectual, and detailed analyses, like that of Ms Ward, and the many individuals and law schools and human rights groups who, thankfully, continue their research of the facts are unlikely to move the White House, or indeed that part of the government tasked with the goal of "keeping the U.S. safe and secure". That process will continue to generate theses, news reports, legal cases and arguments and perhaps, with the accumulation of the negative evidence, the Drone program might be slightly curtailed. Even if the pending court cases find "against" the U.S. and the Drone program, there will continue to be heard a loud voice for its continuation, enhancement, refinement and budget support.
Making a bargain with the "devil" (in this case the AlQaeda derivatives) by joining in the kind of nefarious engagements that render innocent human life expendable is as despicable as targeting for assassination a foreign government head. In fact, paradoxically, the latter may be preferable to the former in some cases.
The same country that shoots doctors and nurses who provide therapeutic abortions at home is untroubled by laying families and communities as carnage in the mountains of Waziristan, should their computer calculations fail to meet similar stringent specifications. The people of that country, as well as those in Mali, Yemen, Somalia would be more than eager to echo the words of Senator Richard Durbin from Chicago in his statements at Senate committee hearings on gun violence, "We are awash in guns!" ...only Drones pack an even more deadly punch than those killing innocent fifteen-year-old co-eds whose finest hour was performing for the president's inauguration in her highschool band.
Talk about a social pathology that infects the very core of American political culture...the dependence on hard power!
We have not likely seen the full extent to which their fear and their concomitant need for supremacy will drive them, at the highest levels of their government. And their "hard power" addiction is couched in such high-sounding rhetoric like "research and development" or "keeping the economy strong" or "growing jobs right here at home" not to mention an entertainment and gaming industry to fill in the gaps for those "not on the front lines" of the nation's defence.
Monsters are often, if not always, eaten from within, hoisted on their own petard.
How far can the U.S. be from such a demise?

'Earthlings, there is no place to hide’ — drone strikes blur the laws of war

Drone strikes are an existential leap in warfare but they open the door on a moral and legal miasma.
By Olivia Ward, Toronto Star, February 3, 2013

It was mid-morning in the village of Datta Khel, in Pakistan’s remote North Waziristan, when tribal leader Daud Khan arrived to chair a town-hall meeting on a local mining dispute.
He was joined by about 50 leaders from nearby communities, seated in the bus terminal they had chosen as a safe place — so open it would be ignored by the deadly drones that buzzed overhead in pursuit of local Al Qaeda militants.
They were fatally wrong. Within minutes Khan and his colleagues lay dead and dismembered in the rubble of the building that had fallen to a bevy of Hellfire missiles. Survivors picking through the chaotic mass of blood and body parts could only bury those they hoped belonged to their relatives.
Killer robots. Spies in the skies. Video game war.
Those slogans have stuck to the increasingly popular but lethal unmanned weapons that descend — like the fist of a vengeful god — on the enemies of America. A deus ex machina that neatly solves the problem of hunting terrorists on territory where no American forces can reasonably go without politically and economically costly losses or waging war on other another country’s soil.
But while the indiscriminate casualties of traditional warfare elicit horror, there’s a particular revulsion to a sci-fi assassin that’s the psychological equivalent of an alien from outer space. It is to hear, in the background, the hollow chuckle: “earthlings, there is no place to hide.”
Drone strikes are an existential leap in warfare — from the slogging all-against-all combat of Second World War epics to the fingerprintless elimination of terrorists and even potential terrorist acts by people in other countries who have never encountered them on a battlefield.

But they also open the door on a moral and legal miasma. Ultimately they are your judge, jury and executioner — but they give you no case to answer. They blur the laws of war and stretch the rule of law to the breaking point.
To the U.S., almost the sole operator of attack drones, the justifications for strikes are implicit in the “war on terror” to eliminate Al Qaeda leaders who perpetrated the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, and shrink its ranks, potentially saving thousands of innocent lives. Published accounts say it has been remarkably successful.
But because the aims are kept secret, and many of the strikes carried out by the virtually unaccountable CIA, drones face ongoing opposition. The Obama administration’s preparation of a new rule book for targeted assassination met with protest from human rights groups who say it only subverts rules of war that already exist.
Yet drone attacks are increasing in scope and sophistication. Their casualties include civilians as well as militants, and their unintended blowback, the fury of frustrated onlookers who will seek vengeance after shaking their fists at the empty sky.
Although there are no proven links, escalating drone strikes go along with a rise in terrorist attacks: In Yemen, Al Qaeda’s ranks swelled after drone strikes began. A recent Pew Research poll showed that 94 per cent of Pakistanis believe that drones kill too many innocent people.
Politicians who focus on drones score points by stoking anger against the U.S., notably in Pakistan, where conservative party leader Imran Khan has boosted his popularity by leading a growing protest movement against drones. Opposition leaders, government members and MPs have also won popular support for railing against them.
The civilians who are the collateral damage of the drones’ rough justice count the toll not in votes, but in widows and orphans, shattered limbs and decimated homes. And the daily battle with fear and paranoia as the airborne assassins circle overhead spying, spotting and striking who knows why or when?
In Pakistan’s border region, and tiny, embattled Gaza, where Israeli forces have used drone strikes to pursue rocket-firing militants, the presence of deadly eyes in the sky adds to a sense of claustrophobia.
“I began to feel suffocated in the house,” said Dr. Mona el-Farra, director of Gaza projects for the Middle East Children’s Alliance.

“I took my daughter with me and we went to the shops, just 150 metres away. It was very quiet. But suddenly I heard that noise of a drone in the sky. It was so loud, I thought it was about to kill me. We rushed home and 10 minutes later the explosions started. It’s like psychological war: you feel like you are always controlled and always under siege.”
Not knowing is the bane of those who live under drones — but also those who make up the kill lists and use them to target their enemies.
In Datta Khel, only four of the 42 dead tribal leaders were identified by locals as Taliban, and family members bitterly contested Washington’s view that all the dead, in an area identified as an Al Qaeda stronghold, were terrorists.
But who’s to prove innocence or guilt in remote areas where independent human rights monitors and journalists are barred, impartial witnesses nonexistent and intelligence suspect? Furthermore, asked Jennifer Gibson, a staff lawyer with the British-based charity Reprieve, “how do you prove you’re innocent after they have killed you?”
The problem is compounded by the shaky intelligence on the ground in remote areas. “We’ve heard stories of informants who are given locator (targeting) chips to put near militants but they actually put them on the homes of those with whom they’re in family feuds,” said Sarah Holewinski, executive director of the Washington-based Center for Civilians in Conflict.
Officially, the U.S. denies that civilians are mistakenly targeted, and insists that the unintended casualties are few and far between. U.S. President Barack Obama said drones are “on a tight leash.” When American officials comment at all on civilian deaths, their figures are low, and sometimes conflicting. The CIA, which directs the largest drone strike program, on Pakistan, told The New York Times the toll of civilians since May 2010 was “zero.”
Human rights groups and think tanks dispute those claims. “We have close to 100 clients whose family members have been killed,” said Gibson, who was a researcher for the Stanford Law School and New York University School of Law’s comprehensive report on Pakistan, Living Under Drones. And she added, counting fighting-age men as militants until proven otherwise “lacks any legal paradigm.”
But estimating civilian deaths is fraught with difficulties, and totals vary widely. In Pakistan they range from the New America Foundation’s low figure of up to 191 civilian casualties since 2004 to a high of up to 881 by The Bureau of Investigative Journalism.
Outside of Pakistan, figures are equally difficult to verify. In Somalia, the Bureau said, drone strikes claimed up to 170 civilian lives in covert attacks meant to downgrade Al Shabab forces. In Yemen, it said, up to 178 civilians were killed in pursuit of Al Qaeda, (including one American teenager.) The U.S. will also install a drone base in Niger, extending its military reach in the Sahara.
Israel has killed at least 375 people in Gaza with the remote weapons since 2006, claims the Palestinian Center for Human Rights. But the number of civilians is unclear, and Israel refuses to acknowledge the use of drones.

To penetrate the fog of drone war, UN special rapporteur Ben Emmerson, a British lawyer, has begun an investigation of 25 test cases of drone attacks and targeted killing that is expected to include the U.S. and Israel, as well as Britain’s use of unmanned vehicles in Afghanistan. It is one of a series of UN reports that have so far been disregarded by the U.S.
Emmerson will examine one of Washington’s most criticized practices, “double tap” strikes that attack a target a second time, while rescuers are working to save survivors. “One of the questions we’ll be looking at is whether, given the local demography, aerial attacks carry too high a risk of a disproportionate number of civilian casualties,” he told the Guardian.
To Noor Khan, the son of Daud who died in Datta Khel, the answer is already clear. He has asked Shahzad Akbar, director of the Pakistan-based legal charity Foundation for Fundamental Rights, for help in obtaining justice for his father’s death in a case with wide-ranging legal and political ramifications.
On Feb. 13 it will be heard in a Pakistani court, charging that his country failed to protect the lives of its citizens, and asking the government to take a complaint against Washington to the UN Security Council, to seek compensation from America, and to demand an end to drone strikes.
If won, the case would be a landmark, forcing Pakistan to confront the United States — its biggest aid donor—in the international arena, and publicizing a covert campaign the U.S. has sought to keep from public view. It is the kind of confrontation Washington hopes never to encounter, one that the use of drones was supposed to prevent.
Another of Akbar’s cases, a suit brought by Kareem Khan, could also lead to charges in international courts against Americans accused of perpetrating attacks that killed Khan’s brother, son and a guest in his house in North Waziristan. He is asking for $500 million in compensation and an end to drone attacks in the region.
“People’s rights are directly affected in Waziristan,” said Akbar in a phone interview from Islamabad. “They are living under constant fear. Drones are overhead almost on a daily basis. They are quite low flying and they can be easily seen. It affects their right to life, to livelihood, to security. Children don’t go to school. Women won’t go outside. There’s no community life, and nobody knows if or when their families will be targeted.”

Of all the ethical and practical questions surrounding drones, targeting is the most fraught.
“The most agonizing issue in the drone program is figuring out who is an enemy combatant, who is not, and how one knows,” said Georgetown University philosophy professor David Luban in the Boston Review. Under the modern rule of law, he said, a line must be drawn between civilians and military objectives, and only those that are military attacked — a hazy distinction for those who make judgments on who the military objectives are.
On a practical basis, said Micah Zenko of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. Getting a missile from a computer screen to a terrorist on the ground is no casual exercise, but immensely complex and costly.
“Predator drones are more expensive to maintain than F-16s. You need something like 125 personnel to keep one combat air patrol in the sky at one time. You have to launch it, have people watching as monitors, sensors, controlling the firing, recovering the drone, securing the site. Then there are repairs and maintenance.”
The meticulousness of targeting is underrated by critics, said Gregory McNeal, a law professor at Pepperdine University in Malibu, Calif., who has written extensively on the issue.
“It’s an inter-agency process that pulls on all the intelligence capabilities of U.S. bureaucratic analysis,” he said. “The State Department will look at all the information on the targets, and may disagree with (who is selected.) They ask will it have blowback in the local theatre?
“In the military, there is rigorous collateral damage methodology based on evidence, battlefield intelligence. If it’s clear that an individual is associated with Al Qaeda, for instance, approval authority may work its way up through the Department of Defence chain. The operations are pre-planned, not called in like airstrikes. There must also be positive identification of a target before a strike can take place.”
Added to that, McNeal said, is a painstaking analysis of how the weapons will be used to limit collateral damage.
Proportionality is also taken into account when setting up targets — if the damage the strike will do outweighs the benefits of killing a dangerous militant.
However, the secretive targeting practices of the CIA have brought calls for a transfer of authority to the more accountable military.
On the borders of Pakistan, where the Taliban and Al Qaeda hide out among anxious villagers, those deliberations seem remote.
“If you live in North Waziristan, you can’t just pick up and move somewhere else,” said Reprieve’s Gibson. “People are living in poverty. Those who could leave have gone. The ones who are there may support the aims of Al Qaeda, or they may not. But that doesn’t mean they should be targeted for death.”

B.C. doctor's diagnosis incisive, penetrating and prophetic

Doctor's Diagnosis: Pipeline Symptom of 'Social Pathology'
If Canada is the patient, Northern Gateway signals sickness, Joint Review Panel told by MD.
By R. Warren Bell, TheTyee.ca, February 4, 2013
Dr. Warren Bell, doctor trained also in psychology
[Dr. Warren Bell, a medical doctor in Salmon Arm, B.C., gave this testimony on Jan. 28 before the Kelowna Joint Review Panel hearings on the proposed Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline.]

I am a family physician, in clinical practice for just over 36 years in rural B.C. As a professional reflex, I have a sensitivity towards the behaviour of others, and towards the impact of my own conduct.
While still in medical school, I learned that many of the most important influences on a person's health derive not just from what doctors do, or even from the choices made by patients themselves, but from broad trends in the community -- from the immediate neighbourhood right up to the planetary environment.
When I began my practice, however, the term "ecosystem" was unknown, and the term "environment" referred almost exclusively to a person's immediate social or physical situation.
Today, thanks to global telecommunications and transportation, and especially the Internet and social media, our worldview has expanded greatly. As we humans have multiplied exponentially, we have learned that we can degrade the functional capacity of our planetary home, which in turn affects our survival.
In 1995, I helped to found the Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment or CAPE. Our purpose was to scientifically examine the intimate inter-relationship between human and ecosystem health, and improve the former by addressing the latter. With 5,500 members, CAPE has become the environmental voice of the medical profession.
Today, however, I am here not as representative of CAPE or any other organization. I am speaking as just one person, and as a physician.
'Structural pathology'
I want to address what one might call "structural pathology" in the governance system in Canada, which has led to the contention surrounding the Enbridge Northern Gateway pipeline project -- which I have followed closely since its inception.
Your work as members of the Joint Review Panel is taking place in a social context. As a medical professional -- with, I might add, extra training in psychotherapy -- I would like to examine four diseased elements in this social context, and suggest remedies for them.
The first pathological element is historical.
Up until about 400 years ago, the land base subsumed within Canada was home to various peoples, originally from Asian roots, broadly connected by culture and race. They lived, like all our forebearers once did, seeking survival in an unforgiving but also bountiful natural world. Through a combination of force of arms, disease, mass immigration and various legalistic arrangements -- including a genocidal strategy called the residential school system -- the land base occupied by the original inhabitants of this country was progressively reduced, and their role in society was relentlessly marginalized. The small land base and the few prerogatives left to them thus have become critically important to their well-being.
In Salmon Arm, I have patients, neighbours and friends who are aboriginal, who embody the experiences I've just referred to, both in their physiology and in their psyches. Many First Nations communities, with similar individual and collective experiences, are in the path of the proposed pipeline.
Democracy distorted
The second element in this structural pathology is the electoral system.
Elections to the House of Commons are based on the "first-past-the-post" system. The elected candidate just has to get one vote more than any other candidate -- even if only a minority of citizens actually vote in the first place. This kind of selection procedure, in a community with many disparate parts, is psychologically grossly inefficient. Especially in complex or conflictual situations, it generates a mixture of cynicism, despair and anger.
The third element in this structural pathology is the nature of the Prime Minister's Office, or PMO.
In Britain, the PMO is surrounded by powerful committees and advisory bodies whose comments and decisions have a major influence on government decision-making and cannot be readily ignored.
In Canada, the PMO has vastly more political power. It has, in fact, absolute veto power over several hundred different government bodies.
Political power in the Canadian system is profoundly more centralized than it is in Britain, and far more than it is in the United States, with its system of "checks and balances."
Frankly, if Stephen Harper doesn't like your report, he can, and by every indication he will, shelve it.
This concentration of power in one element of Canada's political structure, for whatever murky historical reason, is an invitation to social disaster. The illusion of "efficiency" in political decision-making is subverted by the opportunity for hardline autocracy.
In the 21st century, when my patients are being encouraged to take increasing responsibility for their lives, such a concentration of power is anachronistic and backward.
The final element in Canada's structural pathology is the expansion of the influence of the "corporation," a business model that uncouples personal responsibility from profit, and places dollar gains above all others.
It is significant that as I sit talking to you here the Enbridge consortium is applying to expand its Kitimat terminal from 11 to 16 oil tanks. What clearer demonstration of absolute confidence in an eventual approval could there possibly be?
Taken together -- 1) the relentless marginalization of First Nations, with their intimate connection to the ecosystem, 2) the electoral system, which readily generates non-representative governments, 3) the huge concentration of political power in the Prime Minister's Office and 4) the rise of corporate influence -- these elements create the pathological state that leads directly to us being here today.
What is the cure?
The planet is overcrowded, heating up, and steadily depleted of its natural capital. But now we have a Prime Minister who is forcefully using the overwhelming dominance afforded his office, to try and reshape this country to his dated views.
Stephen Harper, according to recorded evidence, has longed to be able to exercise such intense power, and identifies with doing so now (several years ago he formally changed the phrase "federal government" to "the government of Stephen Harper").
His own religious background suggests reasons for his overall orientation, but his willingness to mask his own renowned intensity behind a rigidly bland "persona" is a truer indication of his deep commitment to power.
This approach to governance, exercised by a Prime Minister and government elected by a minority of Canadians, has deepened the already strong alliance between the corporate sector and the government. The former, fixated on immediate and short-term financial profitability, is drawn to the latter, intent on maintaining its ascendancy, and vice versa.
The result, in a situation like the one we are addressing today, is growing social pathology. Frustration, anger, cynicism, depression and distrust of leadership are on the ascendancy, as noted in the Edelman Trust Barometer, released just before the World Economic Forum in Davos.
A patient of mine in his mid-twenties came to my office recently to say that he was deeply depressed and anxious, not about his love life, or his financial situation, but about the overheated, depleted future he was heading towards. He felt that the government in this country was acting now to make it worse for him and his young children later.
So what is the cure for this disease?
It is four-fold, in my opinion.
First, we must, as a nation, work out a respectful, mutually satisfactory relationship with Canada's First Peoples -- not destroy their culture by stealth.
Second, we must reform the electoral system to make it radically more representative.
Third, we must alter the power balance in the federal governance system so that one person cannot pre-empt democratic processes as Stephen Harper is now doing.
And fourth, we must rein in the overwhelming power and influence of the corporate sector.
Until we do these four things, our country is vulnerable to political, social and ecological upheaval that will retard our development as a nation, and likely offer ruin to the lives of future generations.
And it's going to make my personal and professional life more difficult, as I minister to the anxiety and physical suffering of particularly the young people in my community.
I therefore personally pledge my energies and experience -- here, today -- to bringing about these changes, by whatever means possible.
I hope you will too.
And I also hope you will reject this flawed and destructive project, the inevitable result of such a flawed and destructive -- and pathological -- process.

Monday, February 4, 2013

Research: Failure, disappointment necessary for student development

But while more and more people are talking about embracing failure, the status quo has a powerful hold on the institutions charged with educating North American children, experts say. There’s a double standard in the messaging around screw-ups that can confuse students who look to their parents and teachers for guidance and validation, said Susan Einhorn, the Montreal-based executive director of the Anytime Anywhere Learning Foundation.
“There’s a mixed message that goes out: Students are told it’s OK to make mistakes, we’ll learn from our mistakes,” she said “And yet most kids are celebrated for their high correctness, perfection on a test, their high scores. That’s what’s celebrated.” (from "In praise of failure: The key ingredient to children’s success, experts say, is not success" By Sarah Boesveld, National Post, February 2, 2013, below)
There is a moral value in direct conflict with a learning value here.
We want perfectly moral childen, young people on whom we can count for living lives of moral and ethical purity, because our religious orientation is so virulently and vehemently opposed to what it sees as sin, evil, and all the other forms of moral turpitude. We organize their schedules as if they were in boot-camp for becoming CEO's, executives in white collar professions, even at six and seven years of age. We demand their perfect performance on all school activities, especially those generating a "foot print" of history and tradition like the proverbial report card, the science fair, the debating competition, the music festival, and, of course, the class play.
And, above all, we never want to hear the door-bell, or phone call from the 'authorities' signalling some behaviour that does not completely and perfectly conform to the law, the community standards, the culture, and especially the religious institution to which "our" family belongs.
Young children, however, are unable to discern our different motives expressed in our expression of different moral expectations from our willingness to accept the learning maxim that trial and error are the best teachers for the development of children willing and able to meet failure, disappointment and even trauma.
In fact, we have not evolved on the need for trial and error, and its implications for educating our children. However, we are usually less upset by a mark of 70% on a math exam than on a call from the police informing us that our child has stolen from the local WalMart.
Learning to trust our children, however, in both learning and "life" situations, is not exactly a lesson many adults/parents have completed. And the short answer to "why?" is that they (we) have not come to the position of full trust of anyone, including themselves. And if we have to protect other adults from their "tragedies" we will certainly adopt that position with our children.
We are a co-dependent and patronizing society, based on two conflicting values: our own moral superiority and the moral inferiority of others. Some even stretch that equation to the intellectual acomplishment scale: our's versus that of others.  Too many males, especially, (but a rapidly growing number of females too!) look for and find too many occasions by which to compete, successfully (placing themselves above others) or unsuccessfully (by seeing themselves as less than others) on too many scales of value.
Read a resume, listen to a professional athlete, read a eulogy, read a biography of an aspiring political leader....they are all replete with self-praise for personal accomplishments....They are rarely exposed by their opposites, like the comments of San Francicso 49ers'quarterback, Colin Kaeperlink following the Super Bowl, when he uttered these words, "I made too many mistakes for us to win!"
Those of us for whom failure has been an essential ingredient to our personal, intellectual and emotional, not to mention spiritual, development, know that our resume will not 'cut it' when there are Rhodes Scholars in the competitions, or when there are provincial athletic champions competing for college teams. Parading our perfection, as one observer of the young daughters of a professional mother colleague put it, does no justice to those perfect daughters, their mother, or the culture of the community in which they are being raised as "role models". We all know that their lives are merely "undisclosed" to the community in which such observations are made. We also know that the failure to disclose emerges from a family culture in which both children and parent are protecting each other from the truth. The children believe that the mother cannot "handle" the truth and the mother believes that, in order to be an acceptable mother, she does not point to any "cracks" in the perfect image of the daughters, in line with the mother, below, who plagarizes to make her child's school performance more perfect.
With the continuing growth of the religious manichean world view, dividing all experience into "good" versus "evil" we will see even more slippage, both conscious and unconscious, into the maelstrom of confusion, in our vain attempt to manage the complexities of our worlds, including our schools, our communities, our towns and villages, and even into our larger institutions like universities and corporations.
Just today, one of the failures of our self-sabotage through our pursuit of perfection, is on the front pages of our national papers, disclosing too many failures in the preparation, distribution and administration of chemotherapy treatment for cancer patients in Canada. Of course, we all want a policy of "zero tolerance" of such errors as putting the wrong chemical mix in the bag, the wrong name on the bag, the wrong opening on the valve that permits the mix to flow, too quickly or too slowly. However, how we work toward such an end result really matters. What are the rewards and punishments for those working as laboratory asssistants, for the pharmacists, for the administering nurses? What are the working conditions in which all participants work? To which extent are these people under duress, under threat, under healthy supervision and monitoring? To what extent are they the product of a system that will tolerate no errors, as part of the culture that sabotages their daily accomplishments. I'll bet that the culture is characterized with more punishments than positive rewards, with more lack of trust than shared responsibility, with less social, political and fiscal support than would generate better results... and yet, we will hold the individuals "responsibile" whose errors can be pinned on their names, reputations and careers, just as they were in the celebrated case of the Sick Children's Hospital nurse, Susan Nelles, when the babies died, several years ago. After undergoing extreme stress to herself and her family, she was ultimately exonerated. It was, however, our need for both perfection, and an equally powerful need for a culprit in the tragedy that generated the drama of inflicting punishment. Organizations, unfortunately, are not held to the same level of account and responsibility, as are individuals, perhaps because they are less "impotent" and much better financed, including much better insured than most individuals.
When the culture learns that individually and collectively we all have a plank in our eye, we will be willing and able to treat the speck in the eye of the other more patiently, with more compassion, with greater trust and will more resilience as we all begin to experience a new level of acceptance, as individuals who authentically want to do a good job and whose liklihood to accomplish a better level of performance rises with our acceptance both by ourselves and by our culture. Here is another example of how we are so intimately connected....in our mutual inter-dependence, sometimes for our learning, sometimes for our growth, and finally often for our very lives.
Teachers, parents, educators...and all of us would do well to drop some of our fear that the other needs our protection (patronizing as it usually is) and as the bishop who delivered the homily on a Friday afternoon to the private boys school said, to the surprise of his adolescent audience prepared to be utterly bored, "Mind your own business!" and then sat down.

In praise of failure: The key ingredient to children’s success, experts say, is not success
By Sarah Boesveld, National Post, February 2, 2013
Emily Martell was born to be Rizzo. So badly did the Grade 4 student want the role of the sassiest Pink Lady in her school’s production of Grease that she marched into the audition in a short brown wig and silky pink jacket and told the panel as much.
“She was so good and I was so proud of her and thought ‘She’s going to get this part,’” her mother, Ali Martell, said.
She didn’t get it, and saw the defeat as a crushing failure — one so traumatic she seriously considered abandoning her passion for school plays.
Ms. Martell could have easily confronted the casting director and demanded he right this wrong — she wouldn’t be the first to do so at their Thornhill, Ont., school. Instead, she let Emily think about the “failure” — and make her own decision.
“She stewed on it for a day and a half, then came back to us and said ‘I never want to quit, I love drama. I didn’t get the part I wanted but I’m going to be the best Jan ever,’” she said of the secondary Pink Lady role her now Grade 6 daughter was offered instead. “She figured it out on her own.”
In letting her daughter work it out alone, Ms. Martell’s hit upon something a growing group of educators and thinkers are pushing parents to be better at, something far more crucial to children’s success in a world that increasingly values resiliency and innovation: Actually letting them fail.
The most recent plea for the embrace of failure came this week from a New Hampshire middle school teacher, Jessica Lahey, who recalled talking with a student’s mother about her daughter’s blatant plagiarism. The mother vehemently defended her daughter’s innocence until the truth came out: Mom was the plagiarist.

Ms. Lahey’s piece, published on The Atlantic’s website, stirred a lot of discussion and spurred bloggers to echo the desire to see failure as more of a key to success than a roadblock. In How Children Succeed, published last fall, Canadian journalist Paul Tough said failure is one of the biggest character builders for children — and if kids of privilege have never experienced setbacks, they’ve never learned to persevere. In early 2012, a London, U.K., girls’ school held ‘Failure Week’ in which these highly accomplished girls were challenged to join an extra-curricular outside their wheelhouse, raise their hand when they weren’t sure they had the right answer.
But while more and more people are talking about embracing failure, the status quo has a powerful hold on the institutions charged with educating North American children, experts say. There’s a double standard in the messaging around screw-ups that can confuse students who look to their parents and teachers for guidance and validation, said Susan Einhorn, the Montreal-based executive director of the Anytime Anywhere Learning Foundation.
“There’s a mixed message that goes out: Students are told it’s OK to make mistakes, we’ll learn from our mistakes,” she said “And yet most kids are celebrated for their high correctness, perfection on a test, their high scores. That’s what’s celebrated.”
The process of getting to the success — the stops and starts, the failed experiments — doesn’t get any recognition in our culture, said Ms. Einhorn, whose organization helps equip students around the world (including Canada) with laptops, and helps schools revamp their approach to teaching in a digital age.

“The whole idea of failure being OK, that’s still a fairly new concept because it’s not just a matter of changing the language in schools, it’s a matter of changing the acceptance from the community and external culture and parents.”
Today’s parents are not dealing with failure at all, and they’re applying huge pressure on teachers and schools to raise grades to levels not deserved, said Hara Estroff Marano, the editor-at-large of Psychology Today and author of A Nation of Wimps: The High Cost of Invasive Parenting. “It used to be you did something and you took your lumps. You got an F in something and it was ‘OK what are you going to do to improve your grade?’” she said. “Now, you don’t give that F.”
It’s the kind of culture Edmonton physics teacher Lynden Dorval was resisting when he made headlines last year for giving zeros to students who didn’t live up to the academic standard, rather than follow the board mandated “formative assessment” process that asks teachers to evaluate through ongoing reviews instead.
Ms. Estroff Marano hears a whole lot about innovation in the business world, but that discussion isn’t happening in schools largely because it’s too scary to have.
“I think there’s a lot of talk about risk-taking, making mistakes, but in practice there’s no tolerance for it at the times and places people can best learn it, because it’s a lesson best learned early so you know ‘Hey, I can come back from that, I can pick myself up, dust myself off and do just fine,’” she said.
In his recent book Creating Innovators: The Making of Young People Who Will Change the World, education advocate Tony Wagner cites a 2011 survey by General Electric of 1,000 senior executives in 12 countries that found 95% feel innovation is the answer to a more competitive economy. Eighty-eight percent said they believe innovation will be the number one creator of new jobs in their respective countries. Mr. Wagner interviewed parents of innovators and found they let their children try many different things, which helped them find their passion, but some parents may be hesitant to take that gamble.
“Parents recognize the world is far more competitive than the world they grew up in — they’re terrified, they’re very frightened,” Mr. Wagner said. “We’re seeing, in a sense, the results of a generation of fear-driven parenting and that draws parents to want to go in the opposite direction, of trying to protect their kids, of trying to ensure they have every opportunity to be successful, defined conventionally in terms of getting into a so-called good school.”
But true innovation demands risk-taking, he said, and children can only do that when they’re trusted to make their own decisions. And there are some Canadian schools — largely independent ones — that consider it a key piece of learning.
At the Calgary Science School, the conventional model — which Mr. Wagner says was designed to raise unthinking employees, not innovators — is thrown out the window. Students learn through inquiry, trying to find solutions to real-world problems that perplex even the teachers, said Dan McWilliam, its coordinator of professional development and collaboration. Instead of seeing a setback as defeat, students at the 15-year-old charter school are taught to work through it.
This task can be tough for gifted students, who arrive at another Calgary school, Westmount Charter School, with book smarts and an apparent inability to deal with failure. Built on the research of Dalhousie professor Michael Ungar — a leading expert in resiliency — the school designed a program to deal with this: A “mobile classroom” takes Grade 7 students outside on bicycles where they learn math by studying gear ratios and social studies by following the rules of the road.

“You’d be surprised at how many of them can’t ride a bike,” said Chris Hooper, an assistant principal. “It’s creating an environment where a lot of incidental decisions just need to be made that involve a lot of cooperation and collaboration. They’re learning without knowing it.”
Despite some parents’ initial skepticism of the program’s educational value (how does bike riding constitute learning?), they’re usually pleased with the end result, he said. But over on the public school side, teachers like Andrew Campbell and Ms. Lahey are still fighting the “constant battle” of seeing students hand in projects clearly crafted by their parents. Mr. Campbell, who teaches Grades 4 and 5 at Major Ballachey Public School in Brantford, Ont., wrote a blog post for the Canadian Education Association website in December on the need for innovation in schools. He says it’s hard for parents to think of their kids’ failures as learning opportunities if schools shy away from risk-taking because they want to continue their records of doing well on provincial standardized testing, and fare well in ranking reports such as those from the Fraser Institute.
“We need to hold them to high standards, and that’s counter to the idea we have that failure is OK, resilience is important, perseverance is important,” he said. Requiring a school to meet fixed benchmarks in a fixed time frame, he said, doesn’t jive with the way students best learn critical thinking and problem solving skills — through trial and error.
As she reflects on the response to her article, Ms. Lahey hopes more parents will realize the importance of failure for their kids. But she sympathizes with their resistance.
“I’m a mom, and my heart aches when I see my children suffer. I want to rescue,” she wrote in an email to the National Post. “What’s important, however, is to tamp that down with the understanding that I am a much better mother if I acknowledge their power in the situation. Every time I take over, every time I intervene, I am telling my child that I don’t trust them…. In the end, I don’t save them. I weaken them.”












Friday, February 1, 2013

Politics of "branding" or "inclusion"?

This isn’t the politics of ideas and issues anymore, though it has those. It’s the politics of inclusion. In the old days, the guys at the core articulated a vision and gathered “outsiders” — youth, women, ethnics — around it. But they stayed in effective control. Here the outsiders form a majority — it’s the point — and issues follow. (From "The globalization o flocal politics: Salutin" by Rick Salutin in Toronto Star, February 1, 2013, excerpted below)
Recently I watched a small portion of a documentary detailing the campaign of the new mayor of Calgary, Naheed Nenshi, a professor of Marketing, whose campaign strategists dubbed the campaign the "first campaign of a 'brand' as opposed to policies". They had Nenshi everywhere and always, on radio, television, print, posters and billboards, twitter, facebook, linkedin saying whatever he said, in the, obviously successful  belief that his "brand" would convince voters to vote for him. Outsiders, if Salutin is right, are more interested in "gaining power" than in the subtlety of nuanced policy positions congruently shaped into a "vision".
Seeing themselves in a "outsider" candidate, according to this theory, "outsider" voters identify with the candidate, and mark their ballots in his/her favour. As an Ismali Muslim, Nenshi would clearly be considered an outsider by pundits in a Calgary mayoralty race. The recently elected premier of Ontario, a lesbian grandmother, Kathleen Wynne, is clearly an outsider, given the slow snail-paced rate of change for which Ontario has previously been known. Obama, too, as a mixed-race, food-stamp reared, Hawaii-Indonesia-raised kid, topped off with Harvard Law (Review) credentials, is easily seen as an outsider in American political tradition, especially in his repeat electoral victory. So there is definitely something in the "inclusion" theory of Salutin. (Watch out, Justin Trudeau, hardly an outsider!)
Clearly, we are sceptical about the capacity of the "insiders" or "the establishment" to have fresh and vigorous ideas, especially when people like McGuinty and Ford, and Harper are enacting their political theatre every night on the television. In the political landscape of Toronto City Hall, Ford would also have to be seen as an outsider in his race for the Chief Magistrate's chair, as was Harper, possibly, by those who chose him over Peter McKay, the admitted 'insider' in that leadership race when Reform and PC's joined. Joe Clark, too, was an outsider when he captured the Progressive Conservative leadership in 1979, as was to some degree, Pierre Trudeau himself, when Lester Pearson brought him (as part of the three wise men! from Quebec) into his Cabinet.
Yet, the Clark, Trudeau, Harper models differ from Wynne, Nenshi, and Obama in that they were merely "not part of the current establishment" rather than incarnations of a completely new kind of political candidates. This new breed is leading an army of people who, potentially, could bring the kind of change to the demographic base of our country, just as Latinos are doing in the U.S. although the rate of growth of that group outstretches any single demographic in Canada, with the possible exception of the First Nations, whose numbers are growing faster than all others. Does this position someone like Shawn Atleo as a potential leader of a national political party, now or in the near future? Perhaps.
There is an apparent disconnect between the ascendancy of new technology (Wynne admitted she does not even know what her son does for her on the internet) and the old picture of a political vision, as once espoused by former political leaders of the old white guy version.
Caveat: Would Condoleza Rice have provided a more dangerous opponent for Obama in 2012, or is she also too much a part of the Republican establishment to be considered an outsider, as is General Colin Powell?
Richard Nixon provoked writers to compare his campaign for the White House to the marketing of CocaCola, many decades ago. Nenshi used his knowledge and experience of 'branding' to secure the Mayor's chair in Calgary. Are we now, as a voting public, so conditioned by our having absorbed decades of marketing/advertising/branding attacks, and so "sophisticated" in our literacy of the techniques of media messages, that we are interested only or primarily in the "brand" and not in the beliefs, attitudes, policies and vision s/he brings to the role of public office.
I believe the outsider Obama was re-elected also because his vision of restoring the middle class from the ravages of attack from the financial sector, and restoring America's reputation as a restrained, competent and responsible world power, and his advocacy for women's rights and health care reform all played a significant role in his re-election. And it would seem, at first glance, that insiders would be less able and willing to advocate for such positions (witness Romney's 'self-deporting' and '47%' holdover attitudes of bigotry and contempt)....so let's not throw baby out with the bathwater.
Each person is more and more considered a "consuming digit" with life patterns that define his/her consuming appetites, patterns that can be mined and manipulated with increasing penetrating and thereby enhanced power of control of the outcomes desired by those whose cash drives the relationship between the "purchaser" and the "producer/distributor" rendering practically all human public activity  transactional.
If we like the Volvo brand, we wear it, whether or not it has the same quality and value under the new owners.
If we prefer Lexus, with its pursuit of perfection, we wear it, if we can afford it.
If we prefer Blundtstone shoes, we purchase and wear them, again if we can afford them.
If we prefer BMW cars, we move in that direction...
And all of the "brands"  which the rich pursue are also the brands for which the rest languish.
We must, therefore, guard against the reduction that our perceptions of the "outsider" could at first seduce our votes only to learn that such outsiders have merely mastered the game of garnering those votes, while failing to deliver policies and programs (for whatever reasons/excuses) that would be best for the body politic.
The pursuit of power and its eventual acquisition is a highly addictive narcotic; the seduction of our loyalty is also a highly addictive narcotic for us, and both politican and voter are in some danger by their respective seductions. While, on one level, we appear to be opening the political offices to what had been "outsiders" we are, potentially and simultaneously, lowering our individual and collective guard against further manipulation, without an increase in our insistence on oversight of the "brands" we select, because of their capacity to seduce us.
Globalization, in the political campaign arena, while it appears as a new garden of inclusion still harbours different and new dangers like purple loostrife of naivete, which, once it takes hold, is extremely difficult if not impossible to control or remove.

The globalization of local politics: Salutin

By Rick Salutin, Toronto Star, February 1, 2013
Former senator Jerry Grafstein, a mainstay of the Trudeau era, was hanging around the Ontario Liberal leadership convention last Saturday. “Where’s the big ideas, where’s the issues?” he muttered. Where, in a word, was the vision? Guys like him, in the age of Keith Davey, the legendary Liberal Rainmaker of Canadian politics, were big on The Vision Thing — a bitter term used by former U.S. president George H.W. Bush, who despaired of ever having one of his own, like Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society in the U.S. or Pierre Trudeau’s Just Society here. They held Thinkers’ Conferences where guys (always) with Big Ideas shared them with party hacks. That’s how the Liberals recruited Trudeau and much later, Michael Ignatieff, with opposite effects.
As the first ballot results were announced, Grafstein’s eyes widened and his jaw dropped. “It’s in play,” he gasped, meaning the leadership. Like everyone else, he assumed Sandra Pupatello would be well ahead of Kathleen Wynne since she had less downside: with her you got a woman but not, as Wynne herself said, a lesbian from Toronto. Yet there they were, two votes apart. It was like the dawn of a new age. You could almost hear strains of Thus Spake Zarathustra, from the Trudeau-era film, 2001, as the sun rose behind the monolith.
This isn’t the politics of ideas and issues anymore, though it has those. It’s the politics of inclusion. In the old days, the guys at the core articulated a vision and gathered “outsiders” — youth, women, ethnics — around it. But they stayed in effective control. Here the outsiders form a majority — it’s the point — and issues follow. Obama’s win in the U.S. is the prototype, but only in his second election.
First time round in 2008 was the old model: appealing to “all Americans,” including old white guys on Wall St., to join him. But last year, those guys were seriously gone. A majority had to come from outsiders: youth, blacks, Hispanics, gays, women. And it worked. You can form a majority without the old majority! They were it, and they came out and voted. I think this accounts for Obama’s emboldened tone since then. (It may also account for that supremely weird first debate with Romney, when Obama went virtually silent. Perhaps when directly confronted with an embodiment of the old white majority, he couldn’t quite bring himself to speak as he and his campaign had till then. His tongue stuck.)
It seems to me this has to do with globalization, but not the economic kind that leaders like Brian Mulroney and Ronald Reagan preached in the 1980s. This is globalized contact in myriad forms, including online games, person-to-person, unmediated by authorities and news anchors. Guess what they find: outsiders are the global majority — by miles. Authoritative males are few — and you don’t need them to learn what’s going on, or their blessing to act. There’s also a mingling effect due to vast migrations, based on economic needs and dislocations. This all runs counter to the explicit agenda of economic globalization, which plays people off against each other, isolates them and forces them to compete.
The shifts happen at an accelerating rate. Changes in racist attitudes proceeded slowly, starting in the 1950s. Gender attitudes have altered much more quickly. The speed in acceptance of same-sex marriage, even in the U.S., has been startling. Even more so with transgender choices; those weren’t even off the radar till recently. It’s partly the globalized, unmediated media — i.e., the Internet — which helps people see how normal apparent abnormality can be.



Self-interest drives foreign aid and foreign policy in Africa

“It’s an enemy that can disappear into the population and come out at will,” said Ayo Johnson, director of Viewpoint Africa, a think-tank in London. “The insurgents play the long game. They are not in a hurry, the French are.”

That leaves Malian and African forces facing new, daunting challenges: holding the cities and searching out the rebels in the vast desert surrounding the population centres. The well-armed Islamist extremists, who are from Mali and a host of other countries, are known to have recruited child soldiers and are expected to use the civilian population as human shields and to use suicide bombers.
The fight for Mali has barely begun, warn analysts.
(from "What happens in Mali now?" by Andrew Meldrum, The Associated Press, in Toronto Star, January 30, 2013 below)
It is an inescapable yet complicating truth that France (and the west generally) is in a hurry, especially after two wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan, while the insurgents play the long game.
It is also an in escapable and complicating truth that, like radiation targeting body tumours, drones are the "treatment of choice" in the foreseeable future, so long as there is not too much noise in protest, on behalf of human rights of those innocents who will inevitably be killed by drone attacks.
The west's comprehension of and support for impoverished Africans, in many countries is based almost entirely on self-interest, and not on the long-term, sutainable development of the Africans' civilizations. Individual countries have, however, helped with roads in infrastructure needed for their respective industrial and commercial operations and we read of pockets of "success" defined as a mine here or a constitution there. Yet the garden of Africa is ripe for the picking by the terrorist insurgents.
Even the religious prosletyzing by western churches has been, by most accounts, self-interested and defined by the numbers of converts to the denomination and not by the long-term education, health and commercial development and security protections.
We are reaping the rewards of so much self-interest, and so little participation by the local citizens in whatever programs we have proferred.
Western governments, elected by voters who have an open insouciance, even disdain about things 'far away,' have not had to pay close attention to the rigours of the links between foreign policy and foreign aid. Consequently, the field has been left almost unimpeded to the corporations, which, as we all know, could care less about long-term development, so long as their profit margins on their balance sheets demonstrate green and not red ink for their investors back home.
It is long past time when western governments, spurred by their voters, need to take legitimate responsibility for the relationships that they develop, in conjunction with their indigenous corporate institutions, and integrate local perspectives, needs and aspirations into their African initiatives.
The national media need to foster more foreign bureaus, with additional reporters, not slash those already in the field, and that might mean that, for example, the Canadian government could require Canadian corporations to bump up their support for international African bureaus of Canadian publications and media outlets, as part of their check-list of requirements to build operations in those countries.
The theme, "we are all in this together" has never been more evident, and more threatened than in the evidence coming in drops and trickles from Mali, Algeria, Nigeria, Somalia. And the 'fog of war,' that barrier to both responsibility and accountability that keeps drone attack information classified, for example, in Pakistan and the regions to the north of that country, has to be lifted and one sure way to help lift it, is to increase the numbers of trained eyes and ears on the ground sending dispatches back home to the people here.
Clinical drone strikes, camouflaged and fogged by any barriers to disclosure will only impale the U.S. and the west generally, in the long run, increase recruitment by terrorists and produce an even greater chasm of distrust between the victims of the terrorists and the self-proclaimed protectors of those impoverished and desperate people, countries and regions in Africa, for starters, and elsewhere where western greed and self-interested narcissism has been allowed to run rampant.
Throwing money at refugees, as in the case in the conference to support refugees from Syria this week, after 60,000 innocent people have been slaughtered, is little more than a "guilt-band-aid" after the fact. We, collectively, need to be pro-active in preventing the slaughter in the first place...and that is a goal to which all self-respecting nations and peoples could subscribe....but will they?
What happens now in Mali?
By Andrew Meldrum, The Associated Press, in Toronto Star, January 30, 2013
JOHANNESBURG—French-led forces have wrested control of three key cities in northern Mali from Al Qaeda-linked militants, but the fighters have escaped with their weapons into a desert region the size of Texas and are poised to mount counterattacks.

When the French leave their former colony, armed extremists are still likely to remain. No one has yet publicly announced a campaign to hunt them down in the Sahara and in villages where they are believed to be slipping in among civilians.
“It’s an enemy that can disappear into the population and come out at will,” said Ayo Johnson, director of Viewpoint Africa, a think-tank in London. “The insurgents play the long game. They are not in a hurry, the French are.”
That leaves Malian and African forces facing new, daunting challenges: holding the cities and searching out the rebels in the vast desert surrounding the population centres. The well-armed Islamist extremists, who are from Mali and a host of other countries, are known to have recruited child soldiers and are expected to use the civilian population as human shields and to use suicide bombers.
The fight for Mali has barely begun, warn analysts.
“It’s a strategic withdrawal (from the cities) by the jihadists which means that the fight is not over,” said Alex Vines, head of the Africa program at Chatham House, a centre for international affairs in London.
Vines said drones already have a prominent role in intelligence gathering in the area but have not been used to fire on targets. “That could change,” he said.
The U.S. is considering setting up a drone base in northwest Africa to increase intelligence collection, said an American military official this week. Niger has accepted the idea of hosting unarmed U.S. drones but has not endorsed armed drone strikes or the launching of U.S. special operations raids from its territory.