Democracy of the indigents #2
A previous blog proposed, borrowing Aristotle, that
democracy is when the indigents rule and not the “landed class”. In the full
knowledge and consciousness that such a piece of history seems unfathomable, it
is nevertheless useful to speculate on the benefits of such a reversal, turning
upside-down the history power-holding and operating of the rich, the people of
property and the people of the upper class.
Just today, for example a drug company that has lobbied
the Canadian Finance Department three different times is organizing a $1500-a-plate
dinner for the Finance Minister, where they hope (and expect) to generate an
even more favourable hearing for their
“for-profit” cause, supported by some nuanced and likely imperceptible change
in tax provisions, that could conceivably be included in the next federal
budget. Of course, the Prime Minister
has issued guidelines that require all ministers to operate in ways that no “influence”
is purchased, and no appearance of the pay-to-play schemes that we all know
abound gets played in the media. Keeping skirts clean, quite naturally, is rule
one in contemporary politics. And we all know there are battalions of lawyers
and accountants, paid for by both the wealthy individuals and the top
corporations, and tendered to politicians of all stripes on a contract basis
(full time employment for these “crisis-management ambulance drivers” would be
in bad taste!) whose ‘consults’ are filled with the very pertinent points that
will protect their “clients” and justify their invoices being paid.
There is a cliché among the political class that
ideologues on the right are paranoid about how public money is spent, while
ideologues on the left are paranoid about how the politicians’ sex life is
portrayed publicly. Common to both ends of the spectrum is “paranoia” and the
fear of being turfed out of office, (in the U.S. a provision exists for recall,
by which, with the collection of various numbers of signatures, an elected
office holder can be removed from office). And, as we all live in ‘glass houses’
with much of our lives exposed and thereby vulnerable to attack, much of it
viscious and out there with impunity, every politician is especially wary of
bruises or more permanent wound to his/her reputation, the “crisis management”
gurus from the PR firms are making a killing plying their craft.
However, paranoia and political correctness are
elevated in their importance in a world in which politicians pretend to a
sophistication and an aura of the importance of their positions that defies
reality, and also puts them in a space where the oxygen has been sucked out of
the room. Of course, ridiculous blunders will generate blow back from the opposition
and from the public through the media. In fact, this “game” of keeping the “brand”
safe on the part of each politician and the party of his/her allegiance has
seemed to have replaced the on-the-job performance of many in the political
theatre of our times. And while it is important that the public trust those who
make decisions on their behalf, the basics of governing, of compromise, of
breaking new ground with new and well-rehearsed and tested legislation has to
take precedence over the careers and the faux debates that dominate the
headlines daily.
Inside the bubble of political theatre, with
reputation governing, money and how it is spent, becomes a critical, observable
and easily debated subject, available to the least informed, and the least
interested and the most “super-ego” personalities around. Money, to buy a good “image”
through the presentation of another piece of “good theatre” is no substitute
for either governance or for the kind of grunt work that attends to the
monitoring of the process, the scrutiny of how the money is mis-spent, and how
the game is played on the public screens of our televisions and our laptops.
Just this week, we learned that at the recent Rio Olympics,
for example, some 4000 athletes were never tested for illicit drug use, because
the committee charged with that responsibility was unprepared and did not have
the necessary structure or capacity to conduct the tests which are the
cornerstone of the reputation of the games themselves. We will likely never
know whether or not any of the medal winners would have tested positive for
banned substances at the time of their “win” and the public confidence in the
Olympic “brand” and process will again be tarnished. There is no guarantee that
democracies ruled by indigents would have prevented such occurrences, but there
is some truth to the proposition that their relationship to other people and
the needs of those people not only for food, shelter and work with dignity, but
also for the whole truth and nothing but the truth is more grounded in a
contempt for bullshit, and for pretense and for dissembling and for
self-aggrandizement than the evidence suggests the political class exhibits.
If, for example, we stripped the public relations
machine from the process of governing, including the process of lobbying for
the mega-corporations and the process of selling leaders, leadership and all
forms of legislation, (a move that might be more likely with indigents as
rulers), we just might offer a kind of reality check to the media, as well as
an opposition among the wealthy that would reverse the power imbalance.
Currently, the rich and the powerful have such influence on the ways things
happen, the people who get elected, and the legislation that gets passed or
rejected; if indigents governed the ‘hen house’ of the public business, those
who are currently voiceless would be given a real voice, and the process of how
they see the world would begin the debate on public issues.
It is the reversal of the starting point of public
debate, of the framing of the public issues by people who owe nothing to anyone
and who have not been contaminated by their tradition of “power and status”
that seems to have some potential for value.
Starting with a perspective on global warming and climate
change, for example, that is based on “survival” something with which the
indigents have grappled for their whole lives, (and not whether or not the
profits of multinational corporations are endangered) would radically transform
the public debate on that issue, and the potential for legislation and for
court appointments in support of the endangered planet.
Starting with a perspective of basic needs, for
another example, would have the potential to “sentence” the prison system and
indeed the law enforcement apparatus into a total make-over: eliminating solitary confinement, focusing on remediation
and the root causes of crime, rather than the primacy of deterrence (most of
which is not support by the empirical evidence), offering alternative methods
of prisoner reform and support, better transition supports for a return to the “outside”
and a greater access to the “inside” by those seeking to teach and to support
those confined ‘inside’.
Housing for all, access to food for all, access to
quality health care for all, work with dignity for all, access to formal and
quality education for all and truth-telling from all leaders without regard for
the ultimate consequences on careers, could so transform the relationship between
the “governors and the governed” and provide a window on how an alternative “power
structure” operates that could provide an model for the time when the “power
disease” infects the previously indigent rulers. And that time, as do all
cycles, would inevitably evolve.
It is the purging of the power elite, not through
violence, not through a military coup, and not through the interference of any
foreign power that this proposition advocates. And this goal is only feasible
in a situation that has devolved downward so far that governance, legitimacy of
the instruments of governance, are in question. Chris Hedges (columnist in
Truthdig.com), for one, advocates for a “citizen revolt” as the only way to
overturn the paralysis that currently freezes Washington.
In Ottawa, too,
without effective opposition, both major opposition parties currently searching
for new leaders, and with a substantial majority, the Trudeau Liberal
government is sailing in waters that do not provide the essential ingredients
for an effective democracy, namely well-researched, well documented and effectively
presented opposition arguments for public policy. In Great Britain, with the
recent “Brexit” vote, the establishment preference was overturned, and Britain
is designing and planning to execute their withdrawal from the European Union.
The International Criminal Court has lost two members (African states of South
Africa and Burundi), and the festering conflict(S) in the Middle East without
any process of cessation of bombing, killing and mutilation of innocents
continues undeterred, while terrorists threaten peace and security in Africa and
elsewhere, and Putin blithely invades Crimea with little to no reprisals, and
now is allegedly intervening in the American election, again with impunity….
Is it any wonder that some are giving active
consideration to draining the swamp of those currently in power? The media have
apparently swallowed the kool-aid of their masters, the executive suits who
write the cheques of reporters, and thrown their weight onto the support of the
‘establishment’….the identity of which is less difficult to discern than the “good
actors” from the “bad actors” in Syria and Iraq.
A recent revelation of an argument made back in 1964 by a Yale professor, that the
American demand for simplicity, slogans, bumper stickers and sell lines to
comprise their election debates, threatens democracy spells out part of the
problem. Thoroughly insulting of the “ordinary” people, based on the assumption
that the complexity of most issues escapes the purview of the most engaged and
committed voter, those who run elections create a swamp of drowning images that
so reduce reality to another “prize fight”, as something the voter can “grasp”.
By so conducting their “profession” they
are sabotaging the roots of the democratic process, public access to and grasp
of significant information in a context of a ‘big picture’ on major public
issues. In management theory and practice, warnings abound to all responsible
leaders to avoid “personalizing” all conflict situations. When personalities
clash, the school-yard fight is replicated by people now wearing suits and
stiletto heels. And the issues at the root of those conflicts are rendered
mute, and the responsibility of those making policy and for teaching and monitoring
those policies is deflected and unaddressed. Similarly, in the pursuit of
democracy, currently in too many
instances, complex issues that face all people on the planet are represented by
the faces and the slogans and the bumper stickers of opposing candidates.
The media, for its part, rushes to the “latest scandal”
as the shortest path to the highest ratings, for a public addicted to the
gossip generated by politicians, actors, athletes and public figures.
Considering those in the public “eye” as the important characters in the
planning and the leadership of any nation, however, is counterintuitive to the
larger and more important process of the democracy on which the nation’s future
depends. “Star” characters, from the entertainment world, from the tabloids,
from the private lives of the most “exposed” facebook and twitter reports are
not the stuff of what is needed, serious public education and public debate and
discernment of important public issues. And reducing the relative value of
candidates to their public “popularity” (when such popularity is based more on
the number of “likes” than on their “ability, experience, and proven leadership)
is not the stuff of either democracy or of good governance. It may well be that
the elections that turn on such popularity are, themselves, an overt
self-inflicted sabotage of the potential of the democratic process itself.
In Canada, Trudeau’s election, as the preferred “change”
from Harper, for example, is obviously generated by the “name” of his father,
and the persona he projected when compared with that of the other “non-Harper
leader, Thomas Mulcair, a much less “sunny” persona than that offered by
Trudeau. And public images, as we all know, are not the stuff demanded by
difficult decisions that require a full grasp of the nuances of the issue, the
relative positions of the competing interests in those decisions and a deep
consciousness of the long-term prospects of the nation and its electors.
Indigents, by definition, lack the skills and the
ingredients to generate a “glossy portfolio” of a resume. Nevertheless, such “lack”
may well be the stuff that all nations lead: humility, insignificance,
powerlessness, the need to know how to receive before how to “give”. It is the
former, the need to know how to receive, and not the need to know how to give,
that separates the people who know all there is to know about human weakness,
vulnerability, humility and all of the truths that accompany those lives.
In literature, for example, Shakespeare puts the words
of the most troubling truths in the mouths of his clowns. How ironic! Sometimes,
too, the disclosure of important truths comes from the mouths of “nobodies” who
carry no public approbation. Other writers have put the truth in the mouths of
the most debased youths, often the orphans and the disregarded and the disposed
humans. “Out of the mouths of babes and drunks,” (comes the truth) is another
aphorism that scampers around at the heels of our culture, like a slinking cat
in the shadows of the early morning fog. And it is the refusal of the “respectable”
class(es) to listen to the voices of these “rejects” that defines the seeds of
the disintegration of the foundation of democracy, like the eroding rains and
winds and temperature variants that erode the concrete that keeps the building
foundations secure.
It is obviously both delusional and impractical to
suggest that indigents will become our rulers, in the near or mid-term of even
long-term future. It is not delusional or impractical, however, to point to the
failure of the establishment to offer and to provide the quality of governance
that democracy purports to be able to offer. And it is not only those ‘without
post-secondary education” who are rattled by the current global political,
cultural, environmental, military, ethical and basic effectiveness failures of
those in power. And the one human resource missing from the corridors of power,
in all institutions, is the resource available among the indigents.
We have evolved to the stage where we are witnessing
slogans on garbage disposal trucks that read: “What if your garbage was
powering this truck?” We are actually harnessing the sewer water and transforming
it into safe drinking water in areas where water shortages threaten both human
direct needs and the needs of the farming sector. Surely, it is not beyond our
human imaginations to conceive, and to begin to think of how to implement the
kind of changes that would bring the voices of the most indigent in all of our
cultures, in all of our countries, into our political debates, on all important
public issues. Their perspective can only enhance our potential for not only
literal survival, but also for a transformed society and culture from which new
policies, practices and attitudes can be mined.
In a public affairs call-in radio broadcast about
adult literacy in another life, while interviewing a college president and an
indigent student who had learned to read from the president’ spouse, I
mentioned the need for the audience to learn the mailing address of the
college, should they wish to access its programs. Immediately, the phone lights
glittered with activity: “We need to know the phone number; we can’t read or
write!” came the voice on the phone.
Filling that gap in our collective consciousness, the
same gap that blurted from my mouth in that radio program, is what this
argument seeks to fill.