Monday, March 4, 2013

Bradley Manning's Statement to Inquiry

Pfc. Bradley E. Manning's Statement for the Providence Inquiry


By Alexa O'Brien, from truthdig.com,February 28, 2013 
For more information on the lack of public and press access to United States v. Pfc. Manning, visit the Center for Constitutional Rights, which filed a petition requesting the Army Court of Criminal Appeals (ACCA) "to order the Judge to grant the public and press access to the government's motion papers, the court's own orders, and transcripts of proceedings, none of which have been made public to date."
The statement below was read by Private First Class Bradley E. Manning at the providence inquiry for his formal plea of guilty to one specification as charged and nine specifications for lesser included offenses. He pled not guilty to 12 other specifications. This transcript was taken by journalist Alexa O'Brien at the Article 39(a) session of United States v. Pfc. Bradley Manning on February 28, 2013 at Fort Meade, MD, USA.
UPDATE
Judge Lind: Pfc. Manning you may read your statement.
Pfc. Bradley Manning: Yes, your Honor. I wrote this statement in the confinement facility. Start now. The following facts are provided in support of the providence inquiry for my court martial, United States v. Pfc. Bradley E. Manning.
Personal Facts.
I am a twenty-five year old Private First Class in the United States Army currently assigned to Headquarters and Headquarters Company, HHC, US Army Garrison (USAG), Joint Base Myer, Henderson Hall, Fort Meyer, Virginia.
My [exodus?] assignment I was assigned to HHC, 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division at Fort Drum, NY. My primary military occupational specialty or MOS is 35 Foxtrot intelligence analyst. I entered active duty status on 2 October 2007. I enlisted with the hope of obtaining both real world experience and earning benefits under the GI Bill for college opportunities.
Facts regarding my position as an intelligence analyst.
In order to enlist in the Army I took the Standard Armed Services Aptitude Battery or [ASVAB?]. My score on this battery was high enough for me to qualify for any enlisted MOS position. My recruiter informed me that I should select an MOS that complimented my interests outside the military. In response, I told him that I was interested in geopolitical matters and information technology. He suggested that I consider becoming an intelligence analyst.
After researching the intelligence analyst position, I agreed that this would be a good fit for me. In particular, I enjoyed the fact that an analyst could use information derived from a variety of sources to create work products that informed the command of its available choices for determining the best course of action or COA's. Although the MOS required working knowledge of computers, it primarily required me to consider how raw information can be combined with other available intelligence sources in order to create products that assisted the command in its situational awareness or SA.
I accessed that my natural interest in geopolitical affairs and my computer skills would make me an excellent intelligence analyst. After enlisting I reported to the Fort Meade military entrance processing station on 1 October 2007. I then traveled to and reported at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri on 2 October 2007 to begin basic combat training or BCT.
Once at Fort Leonard Wood I quickly realized that I was neither physically nor mentally prepared for the requirements of basic training. My BCT experience lasted six months instead of the normal ten weeks. Due to medical issues, I was placed on a hold status. A physical examination indicated that I sustained injuries to my right soldier and left foot.
Due to those injuries I was unable to continue 'basic'. During medical hold, I was informed that I may be out processed from the Army, however, I resisted being chaptered out because I felt that I could overcome my medical issues and continue to serve. On 2[8 or 20?] January 2008, I returned to basic combat training. This time I was better prepared and I completed training on 2 April 2008.
I then reported for the MOS specific Advanced Individual Training or AIT on 7 April 2008. AIT was an enjoyable experience for me. Unlike basic training where I felt different from the other soldiers, I fit in and did well. I preferred the mental challenges of reviewing a large amount of information from various sources and trying to create useful or actionable products. I especially enjoyed the practice of analysis through the use of computer applications and methods that I was familiar with.
I graduated from AIT on 16 August 2008 and reported to my first duty station, Fort Drum, NY on 28 August 2008. As an analyst, Significant Activities or SigActs were a frequent source of information for me to use in creating work products. I started working extensively with SigActs early after my arrival at Fort Drum. My computer background allowed me to use the tools of organic to the Distributed Common Ground System-Army or D6-A computers to create polished work products for the 2nd Brigade Combat Team chain of command.
The non-commissioned officer in charge, or NCOIC, of the S2 section, then Master Sergeant David P. Adkins recognized my skills and potential and tasked me to work on a tool abandoned by a previously assigned analyst, the incident tracker. The incident tracker was viewed as a back up to the Combined Information Data Network Exchange or CIDNE and as a unit, historical reference to work with.
In the months preceding my upcoming deployment, I worked on creating a new version of the incident tracker and used SigActs to populate it. The SigActs I used were from Afghanistan, because at the time our unit was scheduled to deploy to the Logar and Wardak Provinces of Afghanistan. Later my unit was reassigned to deploy to Eastern Baghdad, Iraq. At that point, I removed the Afghanistan SigActs and switched to Iraq SigActs.
As and analyst I viewed the SigActs as historical data. I believed this view is shared by other all-source analysts as well. SigActs give a first look impression of a specific or isolated event. This event can be an improvised explosive device attack or IED, small arms fire engagement or SAF, engagement with a hostile force, or any other event a specific unit documented and recorded in real time.
In my perspective the information contained within a single SigAct or group of SigActs is not very sensitive. The events encapsulated within most SigActs involve either enemy engagements or causalities. Most of this information is publicly reported by the public affairs office or PAO, embedded media pools, or host nation (HN) media.
As I started working with SigActs I felt they were similar to a daily journal or log that a person may keep. They capture what happens on a particular day in time. They are created immediately after the event, and are potentially updated over a period of hours until final version is published on the Combined Information Data Network Exchange. Each unit has its own Standard Operating Procedure or SOP for reporting and recording SigActs. The SOP may differ between reporting in a particular deployment and reporting in garrison.
In garrison, a SigAct normally involves personnel issues such as driving under the influence or DUI incidents or an automobile accident involving the death or serious injury of a soldier. The reports starts at the company level and goes up to the battalion, brigade, and even up to the division level.
In deployed environment a unit may observe or participate in an event and a platoon leader or platoon sergeant may report the event as a SigAct to the company headquarters and through the radio transmission operator or RTO. The commander or RTO will then forward the report to the battalion battle captain or battle non-commissioned officer or NCO. Once the battalion battle captain or battle NCO receives the report they will either (1) notify the battalion operations officer or S3; (2) conduct an action, such as launching a quick reaction force; or (3) record the event and report-- and further report it up the chain of command to the brigade.
The reporting of each event is done by radio or over the Secret Internet Protocol Router Network or SIPRNet, normally by an assigned soldier, usually junior enlisted E-4 and below. Once the SigAct is recorded, the SigAct is further sent up the chain of command. At each level, additional information can either be added or corrected as needed. Normally within 24 to 48 hours, the updating and reporting or a particular SigAct is complete. Eventually all reports and SigActs go through the chain of command from brigade to division and division to corps. At corps level the SigAct is finalized and [missed word].
The CIDNE system contains a database that is used by thousands of Department of Defense-- DoD personnel-- including soldiers, civilians, and contractors support. It was the United States Central Command or CENTCOM reporting tool for operational reporting in Iraq and Afghanistan. Two separate but similar databases were maintained for each theater-- CIDNE-I for Iraq and CIDNE-A for Afghanistan. Each database encompasses over a hundred types of reports and other historical information for access. They contain millions of vetted and finalized directories including operational intelligence reporting.
CIDNE was created to collect and analyze battle-space data to provide daily operational and Intelligence Community (IC) reporting relevant to a commander's daily decision making process. The CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A databases contain reporting and analysis fields for multiple disciplines including Human Intelligence or HUMINT reports, Psychological Operations or PSYOP reports, Engagement reports, Counter Improvised Explosive Device or CIED reports, SigAct reports, Targeting reports, Social and Cultural reports, Civil Affairs reports, and Human Terrain reporting.
As an intelligence analyst, I had unlimited access to the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A databases and the information contained within them. Although each table within the database is important, I primarily dealt with HUMINT reports, SigAct reports, and Counter IED reports, because these reports were used to create a work product I was required to published as an analyst.
In working on an assignment I looked anywhere and everywhere for information. As an all-source analyst, this was something that was expected. The D6-A systems had databases built in, and I utilized them on a daily basis. This simply was-- the search tools available on the D6-A systems on SIPRNet such as Query Tree and the DoD and Intellink search engines.
Primarily, I utilized the CIDNE database using the historical and HUMINT reporting to conduct my analysis and provide a back up for my work product. I did statistical analysis on historical data including SigActs to back up analysis that were based on HUMINT reporting and produce charts, graphs, and tables. I also created maps and charts to conduct predictive analysis based on statistical trends. The SigAct reporting provided a reference point for what occurred and provided myself and other analysts with the information to conclude possible outcome.
Although SigAct reporting is sensitive at the time of their creation, their sensitivity normally dissipates within 48 to 72 hours as the information is either publicly released or the unit involved is no longer in the area and not in danger.
It is my understanding that the SigAct reports remain classified only because they are maintained within CIDNE-- because it is only accessible on SIPRnet. Everything on CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A to include SigAct reporting was treated as classified information.
Facts regarding the storage of SigAct Reports.
As part of my training at Fort Drum, I was instructed to ensure that I create back ups of my work product. The need to create back ups was particularly acute given the relative instability and reliability of the computer systems we used in the field during deployment. These computer systems included both organic and theater provided equipment (TPE) D6-A machines.
The organic D6-A machines we brought with us into the field on our deployment were Dell [missed word] laptops and the TPE D6-A machines were Alienware brand laptops. The [M90?] D6-A laptops were the preferred machine to use as they were slightly faster and had fewer problems with dust and temperature than the theater provided Alienware laptops. I used several D6-A machines during the deployment due to various technical problems with the laptops.
With these issues several analysts lost information, but I never lost information due to the multiple backups I created. I attempted to backup as much relevant information as possible. I would save the information so that I or another analyst could quickly access it whenever a machine crashed, SIPRnet connectivity was down, or I forgot where the data was stored.
When backing up information I would do one or all of the following things based on my training:
[(1)] Physical back up. I tried to keep physical back up copies of information on paper so that the information could be grabbed quickly. Also, it was easier to brief from hard copies of research and HUMINT reports.
(2) Local drive back up. I tried to sort out information I deemed relevant and keep complete copies of the information on each of the computers I used in the Temporary Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility or T-SCIF, including my primary and secondary D6-A machines. This was stored under my user profile on the desktop.
[(3)] Shared drive backup. Each analyst had access to a 'T' drive-- what we called 'T' drive shared across the SIPRnet. It allowed others to access information that was stored on it. S6 operated the 'T' drive.
[(4)] Compact disk rewritable or CD-RW back up. For larger datasets I saved the information onto a re-writable disk, labeled the disks, and stored them in the conference room of the T-SCIF. This redundancy permitted us the ability to not worry about information loss. If the system crashed, I could easily pull the information from a my secondary computer, the 'T' drive, or one of the CD-RWs.
If another analyst wanted to access my data, but I was unavailable she could find my published products directory on the 'T' drive or on the CD-RWs. I sorted all of my products or research by date, time, and group; and updated the information on each of the storage methods to ensure that the latest information was available to them.
During the deployment I had several of the D6-A machines crash on me. Whenever one of the a computer crashed, I usually lost information but the redundancy method ensured my ability to quickly restore old backup data and add my current information to the machine when it was repaired or replaced.
I stored the backup CD-RW with larger datasets in the conference room of the T-SCIF or next to my workstation. I marked the CD-RWs based on the classification level and its content. Unclassified CD-RWs were only labeled with the content type and not marked with classification markings. Early on in the deployment, I only saved and stored the SigActs that were within or near our operational environment.
Later I thought it would be easier to just to save all of the SigActs onto a CD-RW. The process would not take very long to complete and so I downloaded the SigActs from CIDNE-I onto a CD-RW. After finishing with CIDNE-I, I did the same with CIDNE-A. By retrieving the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigActs I was able to retrieve the information whenever I needed it, and not rely upon the unreliable and slow SIPRnet connectivity needed to pull. Instead, I could just find the CD-RW and open up a pre-loaded spreadsheet.
This process began in late December 2009 and continued through early January 2010. I could quickly export one month of the SigAct data at a time and download in the background as I did other tasks.
The process took approximately a week for each table. After downloading the SigAct tables, I periodically updated them, by pulling only the most recent SigActs and simply copying them and pasting them into the database saved on the CD-RW. I never hid the fact that I had downloaded copies of both the SigAct tables from CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A. They were stored on appropriately labeled and marked CD-RWs, stored in the open.
I viewed the saved copies of the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigAct tables as being for both for my use and the use of anyone within the S2 section during the SIPRnet connectivity issues.
In addition to the SigAct tables, I had a large repository of HUMINT reports and Counter IED reports downloaded from CIDNE-I. These contained reports that were relevant to the area in and around our operational environment in Eastern Baghdad and the Diyala Province of Iraq.
In order to compress the data to fit onto a CD-RW, I used a compression algorithm called 'bzip2'. The program used to compress the data is called 'WinRAR'. WinRAR is an application that is free, and can be easily downloaded from the internet via the Non-Secure Internet Relay Protocol Network or NIPRnet. I downloaded WinRAR on NIPRnet and transferred it to the D6-A machine user profile desktop using a CD-RW. I did not try to hide the fact that I was downloading WinRAR onto my SIPRnet D6-A machine or computer.
With the assistance of the bzip2 compression algorithm using the WinRAR program, I was able to fit all of the SigActs onto a single CD-RW and relevant HUMINT and Counter IED reports onto a separate CD-RW.
Facts regarding my knowledge of the WikiLeaks Organization or WLO.
I first became vaguely aware of the WLO during my AIT at Fort Huachuca, Arizona, although I did not fully pay attention until the WLO released purported Short Messaging System or SMS messages from 11 September 2001 on 25 November 2009. At that time references to the release and the WLO website showed up in my daily Google news open source search for information related to US foreign policy.
The stories were about how WLO published about approximately 500,000 messages. I then reviewed the messages myself and realized that the posted messages were very likely real given the sheer volume and detail of the content.
After this, I began conducting research on WLO. I conducted searches on both NIPRnet and SIPRnet on WLO beginning in late November 2009 and early December 2009. At this time I also began to routinely monitor the WLO website. In response to one of my searches in December 2009, I found the United States Army Counter Intelligence Center or USACIC report on the WikiLeaks organization. After reviewing the report, I believed that this report was possibly the one that my AIT referenced in early 2008.
I may or may not have saved the report on my D6-A workstation. I know I reviewed the document on other occasions throughout early 2010, and saved it on both my primary and secondary laptops. After reviewing the report, I continued doing research on WLO. However, based upon my open-source collection, I discovered information that contradicted the 2008 USACIC report including information that indicated that similar to other press agencies, WLO seemed to be dedicated to exposing illegal activities and corruption.
WLO received numerous award and recognition for its reporting activities. Also, in reviewing the WLO website, I found information regarding US military SOPs for Camp Delta at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba and information on the then outdated rules of engagement for ROE in Iraq for cross-border pursuits of former members of Saddam Hussein [missed word] government.
After seeing the information available on the WLO website, I continued following it and collecting open source information from it. During this time period, I followed several organizations and groups including wire press agencies such as the Associated Press and Reuters and private intelligence agencies including Strategic Forecasting or Stratfor. This practice was something I was trained to do during AIT, and was something that good analysts were expected to do.
During the searches of WLO, I found several pieces of information that I found useful in my work product-- in my work as an analyst, specifically I recall WLO publishing documents related to weapons trafficking between two nations that affected my OP. I integrated this information into one or more of my work products.
In addition to visiting the WLO website, I began following WLO using Instant Relay Chat or IRC Client called 'XChat' sometime in early January 2010.
IRC is a protocol for real time internet communications by messaging and conferencing, colloquially referred to as chat rooms or chats. The IRC chat rooms are designed for group communication discussion forums. Each IRC chat room is called a channel-- similar to a television where you can tune in or follow a channel-- so long as it is open and does not require an invite.
Once you joining a specific IRC conversation, other users in the conversation can see that you have joined the room. On the Internet there are millions of different IRC channels across several services. Channel topics span a range of topics covering all kinds of interests and hobbies. The primary reason for following WLO on IRC was curiosity-- particularly in regards to how and why they obtained the SMS messages referenced above. I believed that collecting information on the WLO would assist me in this goal.
Initially I simply observed the IRC conversations. I wanted to know how the organization was structured, and how they obtained their data. The conversations I viewed were usually technical in nature but sometimes switched to a lively debate on issues the particular individual may have felt strongly about.
Over a period of time I became more involved in these discussions especially when conversations turned to geopolitical events and information technology topics, such as networking and encryption methods. Based on these observations, I would describe the WL organization as almost academic in nature. In addition to the WLO conversations, I participated in numerous other IRC channels across at least three different networks. The other IRC channels I participated in normally dealt with technical topics including with Linux and Berkley Secure Distribution BSD operating systems or OS's, networking, encryption algorithms and techniques, and other more political topics, such as politics and [missed word].
I normally engaged in multiple IRC conversations simultaneously-- mostly publicly, but often privately. The XChat client enabled me to manage these multiple conversations across different channels and servers. The screen for XChat was often busy, but its screens enabled me to see when something was interesting. I would then select the conversation and either observe or participate.
I really enjoyed the IRC conversations pertaining to and involving the WLO, however, at some point in late February or early March of 2010, the WLO IRC channel was no longer accessible. Instead, regular participants of this channel switched to using the Jabber server. Jabber is another internet communication [missed word] similar but more sophisticated than IRC.
The IRC and Jabber conversations, allowed me to feel connected to others even when alone. They helped me pass the time and keep motivated throughout the deployment.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of the SigActs.
As indicated above I created copies of the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigAct tables as part of the process of backing up information. At the time I did so, I did not intend to use this information for any purpose other than for back up. However, I later decided to release this information publicly. At that time, I believe and still believe that these tables are two of the most significant documents of our time.
On 8 January 2010, I collected the CD-RW I stored in the conference room of the T-SCIF and placed it into the cargo pocket of my ACU or Army Combat Uniform. At the end of my shift, I took the CD-RW out of the T-SCIF and brought it to my Containerized Housing Unit of CHU. I copied the data onto my personal laptop. Later at the beginning of my shift, I returned the CD-RW back to the conference room of the T-SCIF. At the time I saved the SigActs to my laptop, I planned to take them with me on mid-tour leave and decide what to do with them.
At some point prior to my mid-tour leave, I transferred the information from my computer to a Secure Digital memory card from for my digital camera. The SD card for the camera also worked on my computer and allowed me to store the SigAct tables in a secure manner for transport.
I began mid-tour leave on 23 January 2010, flying from Atlanta, Georgia to Reagan National Airport in Virginia. I arrived at the home of my aunt, Debra M. Van Alstyne, in Potomac, Maryland and quickly got into contact with my then boyfriend, Tyler R. Watkins. Tyler, then a student at Brandeis University in Waltham, Massachusetts, and I made plans for me to visit him [the] Boston, Massachusetts area.
I was excited to see Tyler and planned on talking to Tyler about where our relationship was going and about my time in Iraq. However, when I arrived in the Boston area Tyler and I seemed to become distant. He did not seem very excited about my return from Iraq. I tried talking to him about our relationship but he refused to make any plans.
I also tried to raising the topic of releasing the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigAct tables to the public. I asked Tyler hypothetical questions about what he would do if he had documents that he thought the public needed access to. Tyler really didn't really have a specific answer for me. He tried to answer the questions and be supportive, but seemed confused by the question in this and its context.
I then tried to be more specific, but he asked too many questions. Rather than try to explain my dilemma, I decided to just to drop the conversation. After a few days in Waltham, I began to feel really bad feeling that I was over staying my welcome, and I returned to Maryland. I spent the remainder of my time on leave in the Washington, DC area.
During this time a blizzard bombarded the mid-atlantic, and I spent a significant period of time essentially stuck in my aunt's house in Maryland. I began to think about what I knew and the information I still had in my possession. For me, the SigActs represented the on the ground reality of both the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan.
I felt that we were risking so much for people that seemed unwilling to cooperate with us, leading to frustration and anger on both sides. I began to become depressed with the situation that we found ourselves increasingly mired in year after year. The SigActs documented this in great detail and provide a context of what we were seeing on the ground.
In attempting to conduct counter-terrorism or CT and counter-insurgency COIN operations we became obsessed with capturing and killing human targets on lists and not being suspicious of and avoiding cooperation with our Host Nation partners, and ignoring the second and third order effects of accomplishing short-term goals and missions. I believe that if the general public, especially the American public, had access to the information contained within the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A tables this could spark a domestic debate on the role of the military and our foreign policy in general as well as it related to Iraq and Afghanistan.
I also believed the detailed analysis of the data over a long period of time by different sectors of society might cause society to reevaluate the need or even the desire to even to engage in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations that ignore the complex dynamics of the people living in the effected environment everyday.
At my aunt's house I debated what I should do with the SigActs-- in particular whether I should hold on to them-- or expose them through a press agency. At this point I decided that it made sense to try to expose the SigAct tables to an American newspaper. I first called my local newspaper, The Washington Post, and spoke with a woman saying that she was a reporter. I asked her if The Washington Post would be interested in receiving information that would have enormous value to the American public.
Although we spoke for about five minutes concerning the general nature of what I possessed, I do not believe she took me seriously. She informed me that The Washington Post would possibly be interested, but that such decisions were made only after seeing the information I was referring to and after consideration by the senior editors.
I then decided to contact the largest and most popular newspaper, The New York Times. I called the public editor number on The New York Times website. The phone rang and was answered by a machine. I went through the menu to the section for news tips. I was routed to an answering machine. I left a message stating I had access to information about Iraq and Afghanistan that I believed was very important. However, despite leaving my Skype phone number and personal email address, I never received a reply from The New York Times.
I also briefly considered dropping into the office for the Political Commentary blog, Politico, however the weather conditions during my leave hampered my efforts to travel. After these failed efforts I had ultimately decided to submit the materials to the WLO. I was not sure if the WLO would actually publish these the SigAct tables [missed a few words]. I was also concerned that they might not be noticed by the American media. However, based upon what I read about the WLO through my research described above, this seemed to be the best medium for publishing this information to the world within my reach.
At my aunt's house I joined in on an IRC conversation and stated I had information that needed to be shared with the world. I wrote that the information would help document the true cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. One of the individuals in the IRC asked me to describe the information. However, before I could describe the information another individual pointed me to the link for the WLO website's online submission system. After ending my IRC connection, I considered my options one more time. Ultimately, I felt that the right thing to do was to release the SigActs.
On 3 February 2010, I visited the WLO website on my computer and clicked on the submit documents link. Next I found the submit your information online link and elected to submit the SigActs via the onion router or TOR anonymizing network by a special link. TOR is a system intended to provide anonymity online. The software routes internet traffic through a network of servers and other TOR clients in order to conceal the user's location and identity.
I was familiar with TOR and had it previously installed on a computer to anonymously monitor the social media websites of militia groups operating within central Iraq. I followed the prompts and attached the compressed data files of CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigActs. I attached a text file I drafted while preparing to provide the documents to The Washington Post. It provided rough guidelines saying 'It's already been sanitized of any source identifying information. You might need to sit on this information-- perhaps 90 to 100 days to figure out how best to release such a large amount of data and to protect its source. This is possibly one of the more significant documents of our time removing the fog of war and revealing the true nature of twenty-first century asymmetric warfare. Have a good day.'
After sending this, I left the SD card in a camera case at my aunt's house in the event I needed it again in the future. I returned from mid-tour leave on 11 February 2010. Although the information had not yet been publicly published by the WLO, I felt this sense of relief by them having it. I felt I had accomplished something that allowed me to have a clear conscience based upon what I had seen and read about and knew were happening in both Iraq and Afghanistan everyday.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of 10 Reykjavik 13.
I first became aware of the diplomatic cables during my training period in AIT. I later learned about the Department of State or DoS Net-centric Diplomacy NCD portal from the 2/10 Brigade Combat Team S2, Captain Steven Lim. Captain Lim sent a section wide email to the other analysts and officers in late December 2009 containing the SIPRnet link to the portal along with the instructions to look at the cables contained within them and to incorporate them into our work product.
Shortly after this I also noticed the diplomatic cables were being reported to in products from the corps level US Forces Iraq or USF-I. Based upon Captain Lim's direction to become familiar with its contents, I read virtually every published cable concerning Iraq.
I also began scanning the database and reading other random cables that piqued my curiosity. It was around this time-- in early to mid-January of 2010, that I began searching the database for information on Iceland. I became interested in Iceland due to the IRC conversations I viewed in the WLO channel discussing an issue called Icesave. At this time I was not very familiar with the topic, but it seemed to be a big issue for those participating in the conversation. This is when I decided to investigate and conduct a few searches on Iceland and find out more.
At the time, I did not find anything discussing the Icesave issue either directly or indirectly. I then conducted an open source search for Icesave. I then learned that Iceland was involved in a dispute with the United Kingdom and the Netherlands concerning the financial collapse of one or more of Iceland's banks. According to open source reporting much of the public controversy involved the United Kingdom's use of anti-terrorism legislation against Iceland in order to freeze Icelandic access assets for payment of the guarantees for UK depositors that lost money.
Shortly after returning from mid-tour leave, I returned to the Net Centric Diplomacy portal to search for information on Iceland and Icesave as the topic had not abated on the WLO IRC channel. To my surprise, on 14 February 2010, I found the cable 10 Reykjavik 13, which referenced the Icesave issue directly.
The cable published on 13 January 2010 was just over two pages in length. I read the cable and quickly concluded that Iceland was essentially being bullied diplomatically by two larger European powers. It appeared to me that Iceland was out viable options and was coming to the US for assistance. Despite the quiet request for assistance, it did not appear that we were going to do anything.
From my perspective it appeared that we were not getting involved due to the lack of long term geopolitical benefit to do so. After digesting the contents of 10 Reykjavik 13 I debated on whether this was something I should send to the WLO. At this point the WLO had not published or acknowledged receipt of the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigAct tables. Despite not knowing that if the SigActs were a priority for the WLO, I decided the cable was something that would be important and I felt that I would I might be able to right a wrong by having them publish this document. I burned the information onto a CD-RW on 15 February 2010, took it to my CHU, and saved it onto my personal laptop.
I navigated to the WLO website via a TOR connection like before and uploaded the document via the secure form. Amazingly, when WLO published 10 Reykjavik 13 within hours, proving that the form worked and that they must have received the SigAct tables.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of the 12 July 2007 aerial weapons team or AW team video.
During the mid-February 2010 time frame the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division targeting analyst , then Specialist Jihrleah W. Showman and others discussed a video that Ms. Showman had found on the 'T' drive.
The video depicted several individuals being engaged by an aerial weapons team. At first I did not consider the video very special, as I have viewed countless other war porn type videos depicting combat. However, the recording of audio comments by the aerial weapons team crew and the second engagement in the video of an unarmed bongo truck troubled me.
As Showman and a few other analysts and officers in the T-SCIF commented on the video and debated whether the crew violated the rules of engagement or ROE in the second engagement, I shied away from this debate, instead conducting some research on the event. I wanted to learn what happened and whether there was any background to the events of the day that the event occurred, 12 July 2007.
Using Google I searched for the event by its date by its and general location. I found several news accounts involving two Reuters employees who were killed during the aerial weapon team engagement. Another story explained that Reuters had requested for a copy of the video under the Freedom of Information Act or FOIA. Reuters wanted to view the video in order to be able to understand what had happened and to improve their safety practices in combat zones. A spokesperson for Reuters was quoted saying that the video might help avoid the reoccurrence of the tragedy and believed there was a compelling need for the immediate release of the video.
Despite the submission of the FOIA request, the news account explained that CENTCOM replied to Reuters stating that they could not give a time frame for considering a FOIA request and that the video might no longer exist. Another story I found written a year later said that even though Reuters was still pursuing their request, they still did not receive a formal response or written determination in accordance with FOIA.
The fact neither CENTCOM or Multi National Forces Iraq or MNF-I would not voluntarily release the video troubled me further. It was clear to me that the event happened because the aerial weapons team mistakenly identified Reuters employees as a potential threat and that the people in the bongo truck were merely attempting to assist the wounded. The people in the van were not a threat but merely 'good samaritans'. The most alarming aspect of the video to me, however, was the seemly delightful bloodlust they appeared to have.
They dehumanized the individuals they were engaging and seemed to not value human life by referring to them as quote "dead bastards" unquote and congratulating each other on the ability to kill in large numbers. At one point in the video there is an individual on the ground attempting to crawl to safety. The individual is seriously wounded. Instead of calling for medical attention to the location, one of the aerial weapons team crew members verbally asks for the wounded person to pick up a weapon so that he can have a reason to engage. For me, this seems similar to a child torturing ants with a magnifying glass.
While saddened by the aerial weapons team crew's lack of concern about human life, I was disturbed by the response of the discovery of injured children at the scene. In the video, you can see that the bongo truck driving up to assist the wounded individual. In response the aerial weapons team crew-- as soon as the individuals are a threat, they repeatedly request for authorization to fire on the bongo truck and once granted they engage the vehicle at least six times.
Shortly after the second engagement, a mechanized infantry unit arrives at the scene. Within minutes, the aerial weapons team crew learns that children were in the van and despite the injuries the crew exhibits no remorse. Instead, they downplay the significance of their actions, saying quote "Well, it's their fault for bringing their kid's into a battle" unquote.
The aerial weapons team crew members sound like they lack sympathy for the children or the parents. Later in a particularly disturbing manner, the aerial weapons team crew verbalizes enjoyment at the sight of one of the ground vehicles driving over a body-- or one of the bodies. As I continued my research, I found an article discussing the book, The Good Soldiers, written by Washington Post writer David Finkel.
In Mr. Finkel book, he writes about the aerial weapons team attack. As, I read an online excerpt in Google Books, I followed Mr. Finkel's account of the event belonging to the video. I quickly realize that Mr. Finkel was quoting, I feel in verbatim, the audio communications of the aerial weapons team crew.
It is clear to me that Mr. Finkel obtained access and a copy of the video during his tenure as an embedded journalist. I was aghast at Mr. Finkel's portrayal of the incident. Reading his account, one would believe the engagement was somehow justified as 'payback' for an earlier attack that lead to the death of a soldier. Mr. Finkel ends his account of the engagement by discussing how a soldier finds an individual still alive from the attack. He writes that the soldier finds him and sees him gesture with his two forefingers together, a common method in the Middle East to communicate that they are friendly. However, instead of assisting him, the soldier makes an obscene gesture extending his middle finger.
The individual apparently dies shortly thereafter. Reading this, I can only think of how this person was simply trying to help others, and then he quickly finds he needs help as well. To make matter worse, in the last moments of his life, he continues to express his friendly gesture-- his friendly intent-- only to find himself receiving this well known gesture of unfriendliness. For me it's all a big mess, and I am left wondering what these things mean, and how it all fits together , and it burdens me emotionally.
I saved a copy of the video on my workstation. I searched for and found the rules of engagement, the rules of engagement annexes, and a flow chart from the 2007 time period-- as well as an unclassified Rules of Engagement smart card from 2006. On 15 February 2010 I burned these documents onto a CD-RW, the same time I burned the 10 Reykjavik 13 cable onto a CD-RW. At the time, I placed the video and rules for of engagement information onto my personal laptop in my CHU. I planned to keep this information there until I redeployed in Summer of 2010. I planned on providing this to the Reuters office in London to assist them in preventing events such as this in the future.
However, after the WLO published 10 Reykjavik 13 I altered my plans. I decided to provide the video and the rules of engagement to them so that Reuters would have this information before I re-deployed from Iraq. On about 21 February 2010, I as described above, I used the WLO submission form and uploaded the documents. The WLO released the video on 5 April 2010. After the release, I was concern about the impact of the video and how it would be received by the general public.
I hoped that the public would be as alarmed as me about the conduct of the aerial weapons team crew members. I wanted the American public to know that not everyone in Iraq and Afghanistan are targets that needed to be neutralized, but rather people who were struggling to live in the pressure cooker environment of what we call asymmetric warfare. After the release I was encouraged by the response in the media and general public, who observed the aerial weapons team video. As I hoped, others were just as troubled-- if not more troubled that me by what they saw.
At this time, I began seeing reports claiming that the Department of Defense and CENTCOM could not confirm the authenticity of the video. Additionally, one of my supervisors, Captain Casey Fulton, stated her belief that the video was not authentic. In her response, I decided to ensure that the authenticity of the video would not be questioned in the future. On 25 February 2010, I emailed Captain Fulton a link to the video that was on our 'T' drive, and a copy of the video published by WLO that was collected by the Open Source Center, so she could compare them herself.
Around this time frame, I burned a second CD-RW containing the aerial weapons team video. In order to made it appear authentic, I placed a classification sticker and wrote Reuters FOIA REQ on its face. I placed the CD-RW in one of my personal CD cases containing a set of 'Starting Out in Arabic' CD's. I planned on mailing out the CD-RW to Reuters after our I re-deployed , so they could have a copy that was unquestionably authentic.
Almost immediately after submitting the aerial weapons team video and the rules of engagement documents I notified the individuals in the WLO IRC to expect an important submission. I received a response from an individual going by the handle of 'ox' 'office'-- at first our conversations were general in nature, but over time as our conversations progressed, I accessed assessed this individual to be an important part of the WLO.
Due to the strict adherence of anonymity by the WLO, we never exchanged identifying information. However, I believe the individual was likely Mr. Julian Assange [he pronounced it with three syllables], Mr. Daniel Schmidt, or a proxy representative of Mr. Assange and Schmidt.
As the communications transferred from IRC to the Jabber client, I gave 'ox' 'office' and later 'pressassociation' the name of Nathaniel Frank in my address book, after the author of a book I read in 2009.
After a period of time, I developed what I felt was a friendly relationship with Nathaniel. Our mutual interest in information technology and politics made our conversations enjoyable. We engaged in conversation often. Sometimes as long as an hour or more. I often looked forward to my conversations with Nathaniel after work.
The anonymity that was provided by TOR and the Jabber client and the WLO's policy allowed me to feel I could just be myself, free of the concerns of social labeling and perceptions that are often placed upon me in real life. In real life, I lacked a closed friendship with the people I worked with in my section, the S2 section.
In my section, the S2 section and supported battalions and the 2nd Brigade Combat Team as a whole. For instance, I lacked close ties with my roommate to his discomfort regarding my perceived sexual orientation. Over the next few months, I stayed in frequent contact with Nathaniel. We conversed on nearly a daily basis and I felt that we were developing a friendship.
Conversations covered many topics and I enjoyed the ability to talk about pretty much everything anything, and not just the publications that the WLO was working on. In retrospect I realize that that these dynamics were artificial and were valued more by myself than Nathaniel. For me these conversations represented an opportunity to escape from the immense pressures and anxiety that I experienced and built up through out the deployment. It seems that as I tried harder to fit in at work, the more I seemed to alienate my peers and lose the respect, trust, and support I needed.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of documents related to the detainments by the Iraqi Federal Police or FP, and the Detainee Assessment Briefs, and the USACIC United States Army Counter Intelligence Center report.
On 27 February 2010, a report was received from a subordinate battalion. The report described an event in which the Federal Police or FP detained 15 individuals for printing anti-Iraqi literature. On 2 March 2010, I received instructions from an S3 section officer in the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, 10th Mountain Division Tactical Operation Center or TOC to investigate the matter, and figure out who these quote 'bad guys' unquote were and how significant this event was for the Federal Police.
Over the course of my research I found that none of the individuals had previous ties to anti-Iraqi actions or suspected terrorist militia groups. A few hours later, I received several photos from the scene-- from the subordinate battalion. They were accidentally sent to an officer on a different team on than the S2 section and she forwarded them to me.
These photos included picture of the individuals, pallets of unprinted paper and seized copies of the final printed material or the printed document; and a high resolution photo of the printed material itself. I printed up one [missed word] copy of a high resolution photo-- I laminated it for ease of use and transfer. I then walked to the TOC and delivered the laminated copy to our category two interpreter.
She reviewed the information and about a half an hour later delivered a rough written transcript in English to the S2 section. I read the transcript and followed up with her, asking her for her take on the content. She said it was easy for her to transcribe verbatim, since I blew up the photograph and laminated it. She said the general nature of the document was benign. The documentation, as I had sensed as well, was merely a scholarly critique of the then current Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
It detailed corruption within the cabinet of al-Maliki's government and the financial impact of his corruption on the Iraqi people. After discovering this discrepancy between the Federal Police's report and the interpreter's transcript, I forwarded this discovery to the top OIC and the battle NCOIC. The top OIC and the overhearing battle captain informed me that they didn't need or want to know this information anymore. They told me to quote "drop it" unquote and to just assist them and the Federal Police in finding out, where more of these print shops creating quote "anti-Iraqi literature" unquote.
I couldn't believe what I heard and I returned to the T-SCIF and complained to the other analysts and my section NCOIC about what happened. Some were sympathetic, but no one wanted to do anything about it.
I am the type of person who likes to know how things work. And, as an analyst, this means I always want to figure out the truth. Unlike other analysts in my section or other sections within the 2nd Brigade Combat Team, I was not satisfied with just scratching the surface and producing canned or cookie cutter assessments. I wanted to know why something was the way it was, and what we could to correct or mitigate a situation.
I knew that if I continued to assist the Baghdad Federal Police in identifying the political opponents of Prime Minister al-Maliki, those people would be arrested and in the custody of the Special Unit of the Baghdad Federal Police and very likely tortured and not seen again for a very long time-- if ever.
Instead of assisting the Special Unit of the Baghdad Federal Police, I decided to take the information and expose it to the WLO, in the hope that before the upcoming 7 March 2010 election, they could generate some immediate press on the issue and prevent this unit of the Federal Police from continuing to crack down on political opponents of al-Maliki.
On 4 March 2010, I burned the report, the photos, the high resolution copy of the pamphlet, and the interpreter's hand written transcript onto a CD-RW. I took the CD-RW to my CHU and copied the data onto my personal computer. Unlike the times before, instead of uploading the information through the WLO website's submission form. I made a Secure File Transfer Protocol or SFTP connection to a file drop box operated by the WLO.
The drop box contained a folder that allowed me to upload directly into it. Saving files into this directory, allowed anyone with log in access to the server to view and download them. After uploading these files to the WLO, on 5 March 2010, I notified Nathaniel over Jabber. Although sympathetic, he said that the WLO needed more information to confirm the event in order for it to be published or to gain interest in the international media.
I attempted to provide the specifics, but to my disappointment, the WLO website chose not to publish this information. At the same time, I began sifting through information from the US Southern Command or SOUTHCOM and Joint Task Force Guantanamo, Cuba or JTF-GTMO. The thought occurred to me-- although unlikely, that I wouldn't be surprised if the individuals detainees detained by the Federal Police might be turned over back into US custody-- and ending up in the custody of Joint Task Force Guantanamo.
As I digested through the information on Joint Task Force Guantanamo, I quickly found the Detainee Assessment Briefs or DABs. I previously came across the documents before in 2009 but did not think much about them. However, this time I was more curious in during this search and I found them again.
The DABs were written in standard DoD memorandum format and addressed the commander US SOUTHCOM. Each memorandum gave basic and background information about a specific detainee held at some point by Joint Task Force Guantanamo. I have always been interested on the issue of the moral efficacy of our actions surrounding Joint Task Force Guantanamo. On the one hand, I have always understood the need to detain and interrogate individuals who might wish to harm the United States and our allies, however, I felt that's what we were trying to do at Joint Task Force Guantanamo.
However, the more I became educated on the topic, it seemed that we found ourselves holding an increasing number of individuals indefinitely that we believed or knew to be innocent, low level foot soldiers that did not have useful intelligence and would be released if they were still held in theater.
I also recall that in early 2009 the, then newly elected president, Barack Obama, stated that he would close Joint Task Force Guantanamo, and that the facility compromised our standing over all, and diminished our quote 'moral authority' unquote.
After familiarizing myself with the Detainee Assessment Briefs, I agree. Reading through the Detainee Assessment Briefs, I noticed that they were not analytical products, instead they contained summaries of tear line versions of interim intelligence reports that were old or unclassified. None of the DABs contained the names of sources or quotes from tactical interrogation reports or TIR's. Since the DABs were being sent to the US SOUTHCOM commander, I assessed that they were intended to provide a very general background information on each of the detainees and not a detailed assessment.
In addition to the manner in which the DAB's were written, I recognized that they were at least several years old, and discussed detainees that were already released from Joint Task Force Guantanamo. Based on this, I determined that the DABs were not very important from either an intelligence or a national security standpoint. On 7 March 2010, during my Jabber conversation with Nathaniel, I asked him if he thought the DABs were of any use to anyone.
Nathaniel indicated, although he did not believe that they were of political significance, he did believe that they could be used to merge into the general historical account of what occurred at Joint Task Force Guantanamo. He also thought that the DAB's might be helpful to the legal counsel of those currently and previously held at JTF-GTMO.
After this discussion, I decided to download the data DABs. I used an application called Wget to download the DABs. I downloaded Wget off of the NIPRnet laptop in the T-SCIF, like other programs. I saved that onto a CD-RW, and placed the executable in my 'My Documents' directory on of my user profile, on the D6-A SIPRnet workstation.
On 7 March 2010, I took the list of links for the Detainee Assessment Briefs, and Wget downloaded them sequentially. I burned the data onto a CD-RW, and took it into my CHU, and copied them to my personal computer. On 8 March 2010, I combined the Detainee Assessment Briefs with the United States Army Counterintelligence Center report on the WLO, into a compressed [missed word] IP or zip file. Zip files contain multiple files which are compressed to reduce their size.
After creating the zip file, I uploaded the file onto their cloud drop box via Secure File Transfer Protocol. Once these were uploaded, I notified Nathaniel that the information was in the 'x' directory, which had been designated for my own use. Earlier that day, I downloaded the USACIC report on WLO.
As discussed about above, I previously reviewed the report on numerous occasions and although I saved the document onto the work station before, I could not locate it. After I found the document again, I downloaded it to my work station, and saved it onto the same CD-RW as the Detainee Assessment Briefs described above.
Although my access included a great deal of information, I decided I had nothing else to send to WLO after sending the Detainee Assessment Briefs and the USACIC report. Up to this point I had sent them the following: the CIDNE-I and CIDNE-A SigActs tables; the Reykjavik 13 Department of State Cable; the 12 July 2007 aerial weapons team video and the 2006-2007 rules of engagement documents; the SigAct report and supporting documents concerning the 15 individuals detained by the Baghdad Federal Police; the USSOUTHCOM and Joint Task Force Guantanamo Detainee Assessment Briefs; a USACIC report on the WikiLeaks organization website.
Over the next few weeks I did not send any additional information to the WLO. I continued to converse with Nathaniel over the Jabber client and in the WLO IRC channel. Although I stopped sending documents to WLO, no one associated with the WLO pressured me into giving more information. The decisions that I made to send documents and information to the WLO and the website were my own decisions, and I take full responsibility for my actions.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of other Government documents.
One 22 March 2010, I downloaded two documents. I found these documents over the course of my normal duties as an analyst. Based on my training and the guidance of my superiors, I look at as much information as possible.
Doing so provided me with the ability to make connections that others might miss. On several occasions during the month of March, I accessed information from a government entity. I read several documents from a section within this government entity. The content of two of these documents upset me greatly. I had difficulty believing what this section was doing.
On 22 March 2010, I downloaded the two documents that I found troubling. I compressed them into a zip file named blah.zip and burned them onto a CD-RW. I took the CD-RW to my CHU and saved the file to my personal computer.
I uploaded the information to the WLO website using the designated prompts.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of the Net Centric Diplomacy Department of State cables.
In late March of 2010, I received a warning over Jabber from Nathaniel, that the WLO website would be publishing the aerial weapons team video. He indicated that the WLO would be very busy and the frequency and intensity of our Jabber conversations decrease significantly. During this time, I had nothing but work to distract me.
I read more of the diplomatic cables published on the Department of State Net Centric Diplomacy server. With my insatiable curiosity and interest in geopolitics I became fascinated with them. I read not only the cables on Iraq, but also about countries and events that I found interesting.
The more I read, the more I was fascinated with by the way that we dealt with other nations and organizations. I also began to think that the documented backdoor deals and seemingly criminal activity that didn't seem characteristic of the de facto leader of the free world.
Up to this point, during the deployment, I had issues I struggled with and difficulty at work. Of the documents release, the cables were the only one I was not absolutely certain couldn't harm the United States. I conducted research on the cables published on the Net Centric Diplomacy, as well as how Department of State cables worked in general.
In particular, I wanted to know how each cable was published on SIRPnet via the Net Centric Diplomacy. As part of my open source research, I found a document published by the Department of State on its official website.
The document provided guidance on caption markings for individual cables and handling instructions for their distribution. I quickly learned the caption markings clearly detailed the sensitivity level of the Department of State cables. For example, NODIS or No Distribution was used for messages at the highest sensitivity and were only distributed to the authorized recipients.
The SIPDIS or SIPRnet distribution caption was applied only to recording of other information messages that were deemed appropriate for a release for a wide number of individuals. According to the Department of State guidance for a cable to have the SIPDIS [missed word] caption, it could not include other captions that were intended to limit distribution.
The SIPDIS caption was only for information that could only be shared with anyone with access to SIPRnet. I was aware that thousands of military personnel, DoD, Department of State, and other civilian agencies had easy access to the tables. The fact that the SIPDIS caption was only for wide distribution made sense to me, given that the vast majority of the Net Centric Diplomacy Cables were not classified.
The more I read the cables, the more I came to the conclusion that this was the type of information that-- that this type of information should become public. I once read a and used a quote on open diplomacy written after the First World War and how the world would be a better place if states would avoid making secret pacts and deals with and against each other.
I thought these cables were a prime example of a need for a more open diplomacy. Given all of the Department of State cables information that I read, the fact that most of the cables were unclassified, and that all the cables have a SIPDIS caption, I believe that the public release of these cables would not damage the United States; however, I did believe that the cables might be embarrassing, since they represented very honest opinions and statements behind the backs of other nations and organizations.
In many ways these cables are a catalogue of cliques and gossip. I believed exposing this information might make some within the Department of State and other government entities unhappy. On 22 March 2010, I began downloading a copy of the SIPDIS cables using the program Wget, described above.
I used instances of the Wget application to download the Net Centric Diplomacy cables in the background. As I worked on my daily tasks, the Net Centric Diplomacy cables were downloaded from 28 March 2010 to 9 April 2010. After downloading the cables, I saved them onto a CD-RW.
These cables went from the earliest dates in Net Centric Diplomacy to 28 February 2010. I took the CD-RW to my CHU on 10 April 2010. I sorted the cables on my personal computer, compressed them using the bzip2 compression algorithm described above, and uploaded them to the WLO via designated drop box described above.
On 3 May 2010, I used Wget to download and update of the cables for the months of March 2010 and April 2010 and saved the information onto a zip file and burned it to a CD-RW. I then took the CD-RW to my CHU and saved those to my computer. I later found that the file was corrupted during the transfer. Although I intended to re-save another copy of these cables, I was removed from the T-SCIF on 8 May 2010 after an altercation.
Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of Garani, Farah Province Afghanistan 15-6 Investigation and Videos.
[NB Pfc. Manning plead 'not guilty' to the Specification 11, Charge II for the Garani Video as charged by the government, which alleged as November charge date. Read more here.]
In late March 2010, I discovered a US CENTCOM directly on a 2009 airstrike in Afghanistan. I was searching CENTCOM for information I could use as an analyst. As described above, this was something that myself and other analysts and officers did on a frequent basis. As I reviewed the documents I recalled the incident and what happened. The airstrike occurred in the Garani village in the Farah Province, Northwestern Afghanistan. It received worldwide press coverage during the time as it was reported that up to 100 to 150 Afghan civilians-- mostly women and children-- were accidentally killed during the airstrike.
After going through the report and the [missed word] annexes, I began to review the incident as being similar to the 12 July 2007 aerial weapons team engagements in Iraq. However, this event was noticeably different in that it involved a significantly higher number of individuals, larger aircraft and much heavier munitions. Also, the conclusions of the report are even more disturbing than those of the July 2007 incident.
I did not see anything in the 15-6 report or its annexes that gave away sensitive information. Rather, the investigation and its conclusions helped explain how this incident occurred, and were-- what those involved should have done, and how to avoid an event like this from occurring again.
After investigating the report and its annexes, I downloaded the 15-6 investigation, PowerPoint presentations, and several other supporting documents to my D6-A workstation. I also downloaded three zip files containing the videos of the incident. I burned this information onto a CD-RW and transferred it to the personal computer in my CHU. I did later that day or the next day-- I uploaded the information to the WLO website this time using a new version of the WLO website submission form.
Unlike other times using the submission form above, I did not activate the TOR anonymizer. Your Honor, this concludes my statement and facts for this providence inquiry.

UPDATE: On March 2, 2013, I went through each line of the rush transcript published here on March to check it for accuracy and inadvertent typos or misspellings.
Since multiple news outlets have printed the rush transcript that was originally published here; every single amendment made during this review-- including non-substantive typos-- are noted with a strike-through and/or highlighted.
When I first published the rush transcript of Manning's statement, I had noted under "Facts regarding the unauthorized storage and disclosure of the 12 July 2007 aerial weapons team or AW team video" that the handle of the individual who Manning said he interacted with was 'office' and not 'ox'.
When Guardian journalist, Ed Pilkington, approached me to ask for permission to publish the rush transcript on the guardian.co.uk, we had a quick conversation concerning the fact that both he and a Wired journalist had noted the handle was 'ox' and not 'office'.
Because of the overriding need to publish Manning's statement as soon as possible, and my being back in Court at Fort Meade during our exchange after having worked through the night to get a rush transcript completed and published, I quickly deferred to consensus and amended 'office' to 'ox'.
After reviewing my rush transcript line-by-line, however, I stand by my original notation of the handle as 'office', and not 'ox'. I have amended the transcript above to reflect that determination.



Man-made virus ignites debate...what is public role?

As far as scientists know, this virus cannot be found anywhere else on Earth; it was engineered into existence. This strain — once described by its creator as “probably one of the most dangerous viruses you can make” — has sparked one of the most inflamed bioethics debates in recent memory, raising anxieties over bioterrorism, scientific censorship and the prospect of a manmade pandemic.

The researchers who created the strain insist it will help protect the world from a serious pandemic threat. Others think it poses a danger to mankind and should be destroyed. (from "Mutant virus sparks bioethics debate" by Jennifer Yang, Toronto Star, February 10, 2013, below)
Man-made virus, frozen in a lab, now released for further study in a world where DNA synthesizers are on e-bay and terrorists are on the look-out for new methods....sounds like a doomsday scenario, until one reads a little further...."nature is the greatest terrorist"...a quote from one of the scientists engaged in the debate...and one gains a little perspective.
There will always be a needed debate as to how much scientific research is useful, ethical and therefore accessible to state funding. It is the kind of delicate, nuanced and complicated decision, entrusted to the political process, an instrument fraught with influences and people too numerous and too disengaged to be fully trustworthy. No matter how formal the debate, including both the academic framework(s) and the legal framework(s), the human capacity to decide on issues like whether or not a man-made virus should be released, and how the scientific information should be shared, is, to put it mildly, blunt, and almost literally incapable of nuance.
Oppenheimer released his science about the atomic bomb, conducted because it was there to conduct.

Is this story the next chapter in the nuclear, biological frontiers?
And if so, does the world community, including science, medicine, politics and the inevitable economics  together have the strength, the courage, the insight, and the capacity to make decisions in the best interest of the human community?
And how does the public play the legitimate role in the decision process?
On so many issues, for example, the planning requirements of a city or town, decision makers are required to hold public hearings, and to listen to the arguments, often highly professional and highly articulate on behalf of various "sides" of the issue, prior to reaching a decision.
Yet, on the big issues, there are few if any such requirements for the actors to hold public hearings.
And, if the issues were to be tossed into the agenda of the Supreme Court of a nation, or the International Court, the public would also be able to access only the published reports of the case.
Does the United Nations, for example, now need to generate a public forum, in which the kind of debates currently evolving among the scientific community can be elevated into the public arena?
And would the various nations even be willing to participate in such a forum?
Would the World Health Organization be the locus for an international debate, requiring the engaged scientists to present their cases, along with the non-scholarly "public", for a full hearing, with full journalistic reporting along the way, in order for the public's input to have weight?
It may sound a little glib and perhaps even a little cliche to ask, "Who is really minding the henhouse?"

Mutant virus sparks bioethics debate


Avian flu strain has been frozen for more than a year, but now it's heading back to the lab for further study. Do risks outweigh rewards?

By Jennifer Yang Global health reporter, Toronto Star,   February 10, 2013
In a storage facility in the Netherlands, a mutant virus has been locked in a freezer for more than a year, unaware of the global debate swirling around it.
As far as scientists know, this virus cannot be found anywhere else on Earth; it was engineered into existence. This strain — once described by its creator as “probably one of the most dangerous viruses you can make” — has sparked one of the most inflamed bioethics debates in recent memory, raising anxieties over bioterrorism, scientific censorship and the prospect of a manmade pandemic.
The researchers who created the strain insist it will help protect the world from a serious pandemic threat. Others think it poses a danger to mankind and should be destroyed.
On Jan. 23, an announcement by a group of scientists sprung the virus from its yearlong lockup. Soon, it will return to a high-security laboratory for scientists to study.
But the question at the heart of the controversy lingers: could this strain exist outside the laboratory?
In September 2011, an announcement at a flu conference in Malta sent a jolt through the room and around the world.
Dr. Ron Fouchier, a virologist with the Erasmus Medical Center in Rotterdam, revealed early findings from his latest study on “highly pathogenic avian influenza A/H5N1,” more commonly known as bird flu, avian flu or H5N1.
Avian flu, which lives in waterfowl, was first found in humans in 1997 when an outbreak in poultry in Hong Kong killed six people. The region’s entire chicken population was culled within three days, a mere trickle in the bloodshed that has since occurred as H5N1 has spread through birds across Asia, Europe and Africa.
The good news is this: H5N1 does not transmit well between humans; it isn’t “airborne.” People mostly catch it from infected chickens.
The bad news? During the last decade, there have been 615 recorded human cases, 364 of them fatal — a death rate of roughly 60 per cent. The great pandemic of 1918 had a death rate of approximately 2.5 per cent — and wiped out 50 million people.
Experts worry about H5N1 adapting to travel on the gusts of coughs and sneezes, making it far more contagious. If it does, the virus could lose its lethality and cause mild disease. On the other hand, the planet could look like the inside of a poultry house ravaged by H5N1.
“You walk into a chicken house and the chickens are all dead,” said Dr. Robert Webster, with the St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital in Memphis, who is widely regarded as the father of influenza virology. “That’s what’s at the very back of our minds.”
That’s why Fouchier’s announcement in Malta raised such a red flag. He had found a way to make H5N1 airborne.
Fouchier took an H5N1 virus and tweaked its genes to make it more receptive to mammals. He then “passaged” the virus back and forth between ferrets, an animal that mimics how flu viruses transmit in humans. After 10 rounds, the virus was airborne.
The journal Science was reviewing Fouchier’s study for publication. Concurrently, another scientist — Dr. Yoshihiro Kawaoka, a virologist with the University of Wisconsin-Madison — had submitted a paper to another journal, Nature, also involving an H5N1 strain that had been modified to become air transmissible.
Alarm bells rang. Could bioterrorists, or hostile states, use the studies to genetically alter the virus? What if a laboratory accident released the virus into the world, as happened at a Singapore lab with SARS in 2003?
The journal editors forwarded the manuscripts to the U.S. National Science Advisory Board for Biosecurity (NSABB). The independent board advises the government on “dual-use research” — research that could be used for malevolent purposes.
The board’s voting members were asked to decide: should these papers be published? Their answer was a unanimous no.
For years, they had tried to imagine what kind of research would be considered too risky to publish, said NSABB member Michael Imperiale, a virologist with the University of Michigan.
“We struggled — we struggled — to come up with anything,” Imperiale said. “So for this to (come along), it was like: wow.”
The NSABB’s next move was unprecedented: they asked the researchers to redact sections of the papers that explained how the viruses were created.
The request sparked an outcry. After all, the sharing of research is essential to scientific progress. But Fouchier and Kawaoka reluctantly agreed, on the condition that a system be established to share the information with approved scientists. By Fouchier’s estimate, some 1,000 experts qualified for that list.
In early January 2012, the New York Times ran an editorial under the headline “An Engineered Doomsday,” calling for Fouchier’s virus to be destroyed.
“We respect the researchers’ desire to protect public health,” it read. “But the consequences, should the virus escape, are too devastating to risk.”
The tone was at fever pitch. Fouchier and Kawaoka — along with dozens of leading flu researchers — did something anathema to scientists: they stopped their research. Kawaoka’s virus was also put into cold storage.
The moratorium was supposed to last 60 days, long enough to let researchers explain the benefits of their work and governments to consider their next steps. It dragged on for a year.
Last month, the moratorium was lifted.
The World Health Organization had issued safety recommendations and several countries had tightened rules around avian flu research. In Canada, the virus could only be studied in the most secure labs.
Fouchier and Kawaoka submitted revised papers that clarified an important point. When the mutated strains became airborne, they were less lethal; the ferrets infected by air did not die. Perhaps this was not the “doomsday virus” some had feared.
The NSABB realized the impracticality of sharing the redacted details with only a select group of people, and reversed its position last March.
The two controversial studies were published — in full.
But while the moratorium has ended, the discussion is hardly over, said Dr. Paul Keim, a microbiologist with Northern Arizona University and former NSABB chair. “It will be a long, slogging process where we start to develop rules about what should be done and what shouldn’t be done.”
Michael Imperiale wants more discussion on how science is shared. The tools for conducting sophisticated science have never been more accessible. DNA synthesizers can be purchased on eBay and Imperiale estimates his own university lab could recreate Fouchier’s H5N1 strain in one or two months.
“Here, in the 21st century, maybe we need to rethink how we communicate life-sciences research. I think the world has changed. There are more people out there who have no qualms about the way that they try to do harm.”
In the United States — the world’s biggest funder of avian flu research — the government is formalizing rules for approving research where pathogens are modified to become more dangerous.
But governments will have to strike a difficult balance. Too much oversight could hamper scientific progress; not enough could spell disaster.
The central question — do the risks outweigh the benefits? — can be endlessly debated. How does one predict the benefits of a specific line of scientific inquiry? Or the likelihood of a terrorist gaining the scientific skill, resources and resolve to unleash an H5N1 pandemic?
Flu researchers say they’re certain of one thing: who their adversary is.
“Nature is the greatest bioterrorist,” Webster said. “The greater risk is what Mother Nature is doing out there every day.”
Fouchier’s experiment discovered five to nine mutations that could put H5N1 in the air — all of which have been found in nature, albeit never all together in the same strain, according to Webster.
But fretting over nine mutations can also seem futile when one considers the countless ways a virus can evolve. “Learning about that one pathway produces no useful or actionable information,” said Richard Ebright, a chemistry and chemical biology professor with Rutgers University. “It makes no sense to invest scarce resources in research that does not have a path to clear application — and carries large risks.”
Ebright doubts Fouchier and Kawaoka’s findings can help vaccine or antiviral development, as they have asserted. The world still does not have an effective vaccine for seasonal flu, let alone one that would protect against a theoretical pandemic strain of H5N1, he said.
The flu researchers have also said that their findings could help disease surveillance efforts but others remain skeptical.
“It’s not clear to me that if they saw these mutations (in nature), they would be able to effectively stop them,” Keim said. “When the H1N1 (pandemic) emerged, by the time we knew it was a new virus emerging it was already in 18 countries.”
For Fouchier, such fears and reservations are not good reasons to stop fundamental research. To combat a potential H5N1 pandemic, the world must understand the virus.
“This is really what is so critical about our research; not the fact that we just made one virus that’s airborne. We now (have) much more insight into how flu viruses in general become airborne.”
Fouchier does not know what the payoffs of his research might be, or when they might be realized. But one revelation leads to the next, and this has always been the story of scientific progress. Breakthroughs are only the final link in a long chain of incremental discoveries — like, perhaps, the five to nine mutations that can make H5N1 airborne.
“It is not through fear that we will stop H5N1 from becoming pandemic,” argued Daniel Perez, an assistant virology professor with the University of Maryland, in an article for Science last year. “The pursuit of knowledge is what has made humans resilient — a species capable of overcoming our worst fears.”
Jennifer Yang’s last story for World Weekly was on the global hot spots for disease outbreaks.
The World Health Organization has been tracking human cases for avian influenza since 2003. Here are the latest numbers from the countries that have been hardest hit:
Indonesia
Cases to date: 192
Deaths: 160
Mortality rate: 83%
Egypt
Cases to date: 169
Deaths: 60
Mortality rate: 36%
Vietnam
Cases to date: 123
Deaths: 61
Mortality rate: 50%
China
Cases to date: 43
Deaths: 28
Mortality rate: 65%
Cambodia
Cases to date: 26
Deaths: 23
88%
Thailand
Cases to date: 25
Deaths: 17
68%
Turkey
Cases to date: 12
Deaths: 4
Mortality rate: 33%
(Source: World Health Organization)

Saturday, March 2, 2013

Canadian Race Relations...tragic and secret

Importantly, we must acknowledge and come to terms with the more difficult parts of our nation’s history. Unlike our American neighbours, our national dialogue has not enabled us to engage in discussions about race and racism, and the way that they have shaped our nation. The fact is our country was founded on beliefs about racial superiority and inferiority. We must understand how the remnants of these ideas continue to influence our society. (from "Analysis: Why we should worry about who we’re jailing" by Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, Toront Star, March 1, 2013)
It was an Australian exchange student who, back in the 1970's, told an senior Ontario high school English class, when asked about the difference between the United Statesa and Canada, "Oh that's easy," she replied, "In Canada the prejudice is under the table, while in the States, it is on top of the table!" We have a long record that is very mixed, on race relations.
On the one hand, we are proud of our "underground railway" connections that ferreted many oppressed blacks from the U.S. to more peaceful and less threatening lives north of the 49th parallel. Individuals, like Ferguson Jenkins, whose family was one of those transported by the underground railway, and who grew up in Chatham, a mere hour north of the Windsor-Detroit border, became famous as pitchers in the National Baseball League, he for the Chicago Cubs. And he has been trotted out, along with Jackie Robinson who played for the Montreal professional baseball farm club,The Royals, when he broke the 'colour barrier' in baseball.
Yet, while we have a minor role in helping black slaves escape their lot, as we also do in helping Vietnam draft dodgers escape the draft by crossing the border to settle and raise their families in Canada,  nevertheless, we have never really talked about our country's darker history of race relations.
Only recently has the tragedy of native schools and the abuses suffered by First Nations children ripped from their parental homes, and shipped off to state/church operated segregated schools where they were then also physically, emotionally and sexually abused become a topic of public discourse, and government apology and restitution. Only recently, too has the spike in youth crime in our most heavily populated cities given rise to the kind of research, uncovered only after pursuit under the Freedom of Information Act, clearly not through government approved public access, that Akwasi Owusu-Bempah
is conducting and publishing.
Reservations of First Nations people dot this vast country, most of them impoverished, inaccessible to employment, education, health care and clean water, birthing and nurturing thousands of children in conditions unfit for human dignity. And when the Idle no More movement takes to the streets, the highways and the railroads in protest, many non-aboriginal commentators push back by pointing to the interruptions to public access caused by the protests.
Governments, of all stripes, in Canada have a disgraceful record in their relationships with First Nations people and in the larger cities where there are large segments of immigrant populations from places like Haiti (Montreal) Jamaica (Toronto) the poverty rates, and the attempts to integrate these populations into the fabric of society have been, at best dismal, at worst catastrophic.
Scholars like John Ralston Saul, especially in his book, "Fair Country," attempt to bring some new light to the public discourse and public attitudes directed to the relationships between English, French and First Nation peoples, in his perspective, forming a three-legged stool of Canadian culture, perspective and ways of being, different from the European.
It is the aboriginal "circle" metaphor that Saul uses to demonstrate Canada's capacity, not always realized, to continue to open wider to welcome more people from different cultures, ethnicities and faiths into the national circle, as opposed to the top-down hierarchical "European" model that he sees in the United States.
Canada is, indeed, quite different from our southern neighbour.
And the differences, while somewhat subtle, are nevertheless somewhat more complicated by our determined resistance to bring to light our obvious and tragic and national failures.
Dominated by two "state religions" (Roman Catholic and Anglican) these two faiths have had an enormous impact on the way we communicate, including the subjects that are open and available for public discussion. We do not, for example, here much public discussion about therapeutic abortions, quietly made "legal" by the federal government, but still opposed by religious members of parliament who periodically introduce private members bills to abolish the procedure, without much success.
Similarly, the federal government, in 1977, removed suicide from the criminal code, without much public discussion or debate. There have been periodic news stories focused on the 'right to die in dignity' by patients suffering primarily from ALS, yet the issues generates little, if any public discourse around the water cooler.
While the Native Schools tragedy has produced both apologies and a truth and reconciliation commission, including reparations, the public has not dedicated much time or energy in emotional engagement with the victims, save and except for the leaders of the victims' groups and their legal counsel.
In Canada, there used to be a saying, "Never discuss politics or religion!" because both topics would inevitably lead to "hard feelings" and "hard feelings" are to be avoided at all cost.
Well, racism, when embedded in a culture living under such a rubric, almost a religious dogma, does not, in fact cannot receive much attention. Similarly, in the not so distant past, subjects like teen pregnancy, and suicide and even divorce and re-marriage were taboos to be avoided in public discourse, while nevertheless scorned in private as evil, tragic, and somehow verging on the demented.
And the subject of mental health itself, has for centuries, been locked in the closet as exemplified by the locations of our mental health facilities, far out on the outskirts of our medium-sized cities, so that public protests and outcry would be minimized. It was the political backlash that was being avoided, certainly not the re-integration of the patients back into the society from which they had been banished.
We in Canada, also have a long tradition of multiculturalism, which, on the surface, proudly introduced immigrants from many countries, without much, if any, community support for those people to integrate them into the fabric of our towns and cities. In fact, some scholars of the late twentieth century wrote about the "Canadian mosaic" as a metaphor for how these various ethnic communities were glued onto the landscape of Canadian culture, in their individual "tiles" of identity, separated by the streets of grout that prevented anything resembling the American melting pot.
Chinese people, hardworking and nearly invisible, opened and operated successful businesses, in many towns and villages, and for most Canadians represented their only encounter with people of different ethnicities. For decades, Jewish people, too, were banned from Canadian universities, and so they also entered business where they usually succeeded, as well.
After the second war, German immigrants, (of my acquaintance and knowledge) took apartments in suburban communities adjacent to our big cities, where they were spat on, sworn at and literally ostracized as evil, as if they were the incarnation of the Third Reich. Japanese Canadians were even imprisoned, and only recently have they received a long-overdue apology and reparations.
And of course, the history of the relations between French Canadians, gathered in largest numbers in Quebec and English Canadians is littered with both success and failure, the former when leaders of good will and tolerance and respect forced compromise and collaboration, the later when leaders of what they believed were oppressive measures and an oppressive political ethos.
So there is much to chew on, both in the Canadian history of race relations, and in the newly released data about prison populations in Ontario.
And we have ahead of us a long journey into the night of both uncovering our failures and our tragedies and of coming to terms with the impact of those overt and covert abuses on our fellow Canadians, whom we are eager to celebrate when they bring glory to our country by winning Olympic medals, but who shame us when they overpopulate our prisons. We have to find a middle way to integrate not only the people but a new attitude to "the other" in a world of "swiss cheese" borders with people flowing through the holes in all directions for the foreseeable future.

Doctoral student: data exposes racism in Ontario justice system

Analysis: Why we should worry about who we’re jailing

By Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, Toronto Star, March 1, 2013

Photo by Jim Rankin, Toronto Star
 Akwasi Owusu-Bempah of the University of Toronto’s Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies analyzes why blacks and aboriginals are overrepresented in Ontario correctional system, and why this matters.
It may be of little surprise to some, but the over-incarceration of First Nations and African-Canadian people in Ontario should be of concern to everyone in this country.

The overrepresentation of these two groups in Ontario’s correctional system signals that aboriginals and blacks are either disproportionately involved in crime or they face discrimination in the administration of justice; available research indicates both to be true.
Why should we work to remedy this?
As the situation in many American states has made apparent, using incarceration as a means of controlling populations that are viewed as problematic in an effort to reduce crime is a costly endeavour that further intensifies the problems facing these communities rather than making them better. A smarter approach would be to deal with the causes of crime rather than the consequences. This is particularly true in the face of Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s tough-on-crime agenda.
If Canadians are concerned about daylight shootings in public places or the proliferation of gangs in urban centres and rural reserves, we need to rethink how we deal with one of the consequences of the social exclusion that many aboriginal and black Canadians experience.
What the data show
The statistics released by the province show there are more white Canadians under the supervision of the province’s correctional system than members of any other racial group. This makes sense, as white Canadians make up the largest single racial group in the province. However, aboriginal groups are the most overrepresented in the system on almost all counts, followed by blacks. White Canadians and all other racial groups, on average, have been under-represented in the correctional statistics compared to the general population.
Of particular importance are the statistics showing the disproportionate rates at which non-white people are held in detention before trial. Previous research has shown the discriminatory manner in which bail decisions are made. Research also indicates that those held for bail are more likely to accept a plea deal from the Crown (detention centres are not particularly nice places), are more likely to be found guilty at trial, and receive harsher punishments upon sentencing than those who are granted bail.
The youth statistics show also that the disproportionate incarceration of native and black youth is becoming more pronounced, while the representation of white youth in the correctional system is decreasing. This trend mirrors that of the federal system, where the proportion of black Canadians, for example, has increased by 40 per cent over the last 10 years.
What has caused this problem?
The over-incarceration of aboriginal and black Canadians has not occurred in a vacuum. There are, of course, historical factors that have contributed to the current situation, such as those highlighted by the Idle No More movement (broken treaty promises, residential schools and the system of reserves) and those often reserved for discussion during Black History Month (including often forgotten slavery in some of the territories that would become Canada and legalized segregation), for example.
The effects of the legacy of colonialism were further intensified by the tide of neo-liberalism that spread through Canada in the 1980s and 1990s, reducing social spending, eliminating many recreational and cultural programs, and increasing the use of the criminal justice system as a tool of social control.
This history impacts upon the lives of native and black Canadians, influences their opportunities and dictates their relationship with the state and with our society as a whole; a quick look at their educational and employment statistics provides evidence of this reality.
Both groups are among the country’s most marginalized populations. As aboriginal and black Canadians are overrepresented among the poor and working poor in Canada, it should be no surprise then that they are more involved in certain types of crime and thus come into conflict with the law.
What should we do?
Poverty is a major issue affecting aboriginal and black Canadians, and contributes to their involvement in crime. To help reduce poverty among these two groups we need to allow them to have a more full participation in Canadian society.
One approach to achieving this is through education. Making school more relevant and engaging for those who struggle, whatever their race, would help increase graduation rates and pave the way for success. New approaches that involve more co-operative learning programs that help build useful skills while students learn, rather than allowing them to become bored and troublesome in a traditional classroom setting, may be a start.
Keeping school buildings open after regular school hours and the re-establishment of after-school programs would provide young people with meaningful activities with which to occupy their time and keep them out of trouble. As all high school students in the province must fulfill a certain number of volunteer hours to graduate, perhaps they could help staff these programs and act as role models for younger youth. Adequate opportunities must be provided for meaningful employment after graduation.
Importantly, we must acknowledge and come to terms with the more difficult parts of our nation’s history. Unlike our American neighbours, our national dialogue has not enabled us to engage in discussions about race and racism, and the way that they have shaped our nation. The fact is our country was founded on beliefs about racial superiority and inferiority. We must understand how the remnants of these ideas continue to influence our society.
Finally, aboriginal and black Canadian communities need to continue to take a leadership role in identifying and working toward solving the problems that face our communities. In addition to the work done by those in professional and volunteer capacities, private citizens can write letters to and speak with elected officials, organize public meetings on specific issues and help raise general awareness through information campaigns and demonstrations. Public action around the issue of racial profiling and police “carding” practices in Toronto is a good recent example of such mobilization. Without honest discussion and meaningful action, little will change for the better.
Many of these recommendations have been made previously, such as those put forth in the Review of the Roots of Youth Violence. It is time that some of the recommendations are put into action.
Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, who obtained the incarceration data, is a doctoral candidate at the University of Toronto’s Centre of Criminology and a junior fellow at Massey College.

Ontario jails: blacks and aboriginals overrepresented

Unequal justice: Aboriginal and black inmates disproportionately fill Ontario jails


Race data obtained under freedom of information paints a disturbing picture of black and aboriginal overrepresentation in Ontario youth and adult jails.

Jim Rankin and Patty Winsa Staff Reporters, Hidy Ng Data Analyst, Toronto Star, March 01 2013

 Blacks and aboriginal people are overrepresented in Ontario’s youth and adult jails, with some staggering ratios that mirror those of blacks in American jails.
A Star analysis of Ontario jail data, obtained by University of Toronto doctoral candidate Akwasi Owusu-Bempah through freedom of information requests, shows:
• In Ontario, aboriginal boys aged 12 to 17 make up 2.9 per cent of the young male population. But in Ontario youth facilities they make up nearly 15 per cent of young male admissions. In other words, there are, proportionally, five times more aboriginal boys in the young male jail population than what they represent in the general young male population.
• For black boys, the proportion of jail admissions is four times higher.
• For white boys and boys of other ethnicities, there is no such overrepresentation.
• When it comes to girls, only aboriginal girls are overrepresented. Their jail admissions population is 10 times higher than what they represent in the general Ontario population of young girls.
Notably, young male incarceration rates have steadily declined since the introduction of the Youth Criminal Justice Act in 2003. But black and aboriginal boys have not enjoyed the same rate of decline as white boys. Nor have aboriginal girls.
As Toronto once again searches for answers in the wake of several deaths of young black boys by guns this year, conditions may now be ideal to tackle the roots of violence and change the picture in the province’s jails.
Last year, the United Nations called on Canada to take “urgent measures” to reduce the overrepresentations of aboriginals and blacks in the criminal justice system and out-of-home care.
The picture is similar in Ontario adult jails, according to the Star’s analysis.
For those familiar with the criminal justice system, including corrections staff, academics, lawyers, judges, families and community workers, the numbers are not surprising.
“The trouble is, the numbers don’t show us a lot in the way of hope,” says lawyer Jonathan Rudin, program director at Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto.
Federally, corrections data by race has for many years provided a look at the result of decades of political indifference and systemic racism in many aspects of Canadian society.
In a soon to be published chapter in the Oxford Handbook on Ethnicity, Crime and Immigration, Owusu-Bempah and U of T criminology professor Scot Wortley compared federal Canadian aboriginal and black inmate data with U.S. black inmate data and discovered the degree of overrepresentation of blacks in the justice system is similar.
Yet, in the U.S., black overrepresentation has received far more public and political attention than these similar differences in Canada, perhaps due to volume. The U.S., overall, jails far more people per capita than any nation in the world. Some states spend as much on jails as schools.
But consider the cost of crime, the justice system and incarceration on Canadian families, communities and Canadian taxpayers. Study after study has shown that investing in families, education and mentally and physically healthy communities is less costly than the tab we are paying for sick, poor communities in terms of health costs, opportunities lost, policing, courts and jails.
The Ontario government, following the largest mass shooting in Toronto history last summer, has hurriedly dusted off a five-year-old plan to address the roots of youth violence.
Nationally, the Idle No More movement shows no signs of slowing and Canada is being hauled before a human rights tribunal to face allegations it mistreats aboriginal children.
Ontario’s top court is considering the legality of minimum mandatory sentences that remove judicial discretion and are expected to gradually increase jail populations — at a time when crime is on the decline.
Yet federally, the government — with the recent enactment of an omnibus crime bill that will mean more adults in jail for more crimes and a youth system that just got tougher — is at odds with Ontario and other provinces and territories.

Friday, March 1, 2013

Allophilia "101"...beyond tolerance to deep respect

According to Prof. Pittinsky’s research, five components provide a measure of allophillia: having positive feelings toward members of the other group (affection); feeling comfortable and at ease with members of the other group (comfort); believing there is a close connection with members of the other group (kinship); seeking interactions with members of the other group (engagement); and finally, feeling impressed and inspired by members of the other group (enthusiasm). (From "Allophilia: Beyond tolerance lies true respect" by Sheema Khan, Globe and Mail, February 28, 2013, below)
Deep respect, for Professor Pittinsky includes affection, comfort, kinship, engagement and enthusiasm... and clearly, the complexity and depth of these experiences trump the kind of glib marketing of slogans, of affirmative action programs and of tokenisms especially those currently being practiced by too many politicians, for their own narrow ambitions.
Over against "allophilia" we have to put "provincialisms" the kind of cultural traditions that keep us from fully engaging with others who are different. Clinging to those traits of parochial provincialisms, we see communities resisting the faces and traditions of different cultures, and not least among the most advanced.
Start with the U.S. provincialism of naming all newcomers "aliens" as if they came from a different planet. Move to another provincialism of "thinking America is number ONE!" in world power, in world military, in world entertainment, in world marketing and sales, and in world financial institutions. It is this narrow "self-image" that both attracts millions to American soil, and deflates much of American potential to achieve what Pittinsky calls "allophilia". Another provincialism known around the world is "Canadian smugness" about our capacity to achieve what was once dubbed multiculturalism along with our "strong financial sector"...once again both attractive magnets for aspiring immigrants and 'boasting badges' for Canadians when visiting other countries. However, while our former Bank of Canada Governor, Mark Carney, begins his tenure as Governor of the Bank of England in June, demonstrating the 'mother country's' honouring one of its "colonials" (along with Moira Green, former head of Canada Post who now heads the postal service in the United Kingdom),
Canadians have a very long way to go to begin to achieve anything resembling allophilia.
In fact, some of the most "enclosed" and impenetrable institutions in the Canadian landscape are Canadian religious and ecclesial institutions. And some of the deepest fears of "the other" come from a rigid apprehension of the faith dogma on which a family is raised, preserved in part by a claim to be the "right" religion.
Imperialism has many faces, including the military, the church, the corporation and the education establishment at the core of which are many more managers than visionary leaders who are both capable and willing to grasp the full impact of Pittinsky's "allophilia".
Within the academic community, for example, there are 'insiders' and 'outsiders' as there clearly are in the political arena. In schools there is clear evidence that those born in a community have a much greater chance of achieving executive positions in the school establishment than those born elsewhere, even from the next community.
Canadians have not begun to achieve allophilia with those from the next town or village, never mind the lands on the other side of the globe.
Interests bring people together to pursue common objectives...and through interests, one encounters perspectives that help to enhance and to shape previously long-held views. And that happens at the pace of a snail making its way from one side of the continent to the other. At the same time, technology, both in communication and in transportation is bringing us face to face with people and pain of many different cultures, and families and individual lives.
The American "melting pot" serves the market, blending everyone to a job, an income, a home in the suburbs and a retirement plan. The Canadian tradition of a "mosaic" in which each ethnicity kepts its own uniqueness, while sharing a common landscape with other 'ceramic tiles' keeps the tiles separated by the grout of the piece.
We have not found a suitable containment metaphor for allophilia, and given the clinical and cold-sounding nature of the word, it is not likely to become integrated into street-smart-vernacular any time soon.
However, when we are able to engage our professional practitioners in conversations about their lives and their histories, their aspirations and their inspirations, we can at least begin to unpack our own apprehensions, and perhaps even begin to thaw our puritan, reserved and extremely cautious mask to open to sharing our own aspirations, inspirations and find some common ground and appreciation for each other. And when we find some acceptance, some empathy, some compassion and some warmth from the other, even the Canadian frozenness might experience a warming that could help us to adopt to the exigencies of modern stimuli and shared experiences.
Allophilia is not going to happen through books and lectures and blogs alone...but rather through a growing of many tiny rivulets of shared experiences into a larger stream of shared experiences into a wider ocean of similar experiences, meeting a similar ocean current from another continent....a dream to be shared, while it is also a vision to be nurtured, and a picture to be painted, first 'by number' and then by full release of the human imagination and courage.
Allophilia: Beyond tolerance lies true respect
By Sheema Khan, Globe and Mail, Febuary 28, 2013
Because simple tolerance, mere tolerance, is not enough. We need genuine and deep respect for each and every human being notwithstanding their thoughts, their values, their beliefs, their origins.

These words, spoken by Justin Trudeau during a moving eulogy for his late father, resonated deeply with Canadians, for they spoke to our shared humanity. Given recent flashpoints of aboriginal self-assertion, linguistic tensions in Quebec and the growing income divide, it is a message worth revisiting.
Todd L. Pittinsky of Stony Brook University, currently a senior lecturer at Harvard, and author of Us Plus Them, has studied the dual concepts of recognizing and embracing differences. He has coined the term “allophilia” to describe positive intergroup dynamics that supersede tolerance.

He believes that current anti-racism/diversity training programs do not tap in to the latent potential of individuals to develop strong bonds with those outside their own “group.” These programs are often ambivalent about differences. He recalls attending a corporate diversity training session in which the first slide, “Diversity Is Our Strength,” was contradicted by a later slide, “We Are All the Same.” They also ignore scientific research about innate allophilic characteristics, and the strong interpersonal cohesion that develops from them.
According to Prof. Pittinsky’s research, five components provide a measure of allophillia: having positive feelings toward members of the other group (affection); feeling comfortable and at ease with members of the other group (comfort); believing there is a close connection with members of the other group (kinship); seeking interactions with members of the other group (engagement); and finally, feeling impressed and inspired by members of the other group (enthusiasm).
He has seen allophilic initiatives blossom at the grassroots. For example, about 10 years ago, Maine received an influx of Somali immigrants. “They were about as ‘other’ as possible in one of the ‘whitest states in America,’” he remarked. Then, members of a local adult-learning centre organized potluck dinners for American and Somali families, fostering cross-cultural friendships and bonds. They tried each other’s dishes and Somalis taught Americans to tie head scarves and paint henna tattoos. “The two groups were still very different,” he observes, “but they enjoyed their differences.”
Governments are starting to listen to Prof. Pittinsky’s approach. Minnesota recently sponsored a state-wide celebration for Martin Luther King Jr. Day with the focus on “moving beyond tolerance to allophilia.”
There are economic ramifications, too. “The desperate search for economic growth will put added pressure on organizations, public and private, to finally get serious about diversity in the workplace as an engine of innovation – not just as window-dressing,” says Prof. Pittinsky, adding, “That can work, but not without allophilia.”
Religious differences, within and between countries, may become a source of tension. However, Prof. Pittinsky believes that if North American religious leaders promote allophilia, rather than tolerance, deep social bonds can develop.
The view of religion as a source of social cohesiveness may seem counterintuitive. Yet, according to current research, attachment and identification with one’s own group enhances positive disposition toward others. Problems occur when leaders encourage an inward focus and outward animosity at the expense of others.
Is this a problem in Canada?
According to the 2011 Focus Canada survey by the Environics Institute, 79 per cent of Canadians profess a belief in God or “universal spirit.” More importantly, it found that “religion does not appear to be a source of division within Canadian society,” while the majority take pride in our multicultural policy.
The Toronto-based Inspirit Foundation seems to have tapped in to both the spiritual and allophilic potential of Canadians by promoting initiatives related to pluralism among young Canadians of different spiritual, religious and secular backgrounds. These include an innovative project in Winnipeg, where aboriginal youth will share with newcomer youth indigenous history, spirituality and strategies that foster integration and respect for diversity
According to Inspirit president and CEO Andrea Nemtin, the goal of supporting such projects is to “help the leaders of tomorrow build a more inclusive and pluralist society; a society where we actively engage with each other’s differences and where all these differences, which include our ethnicity, culture and beliefs, are celebrated.”

Let’s apply these deep-seated principles toward addressing tensions present within our society today.
sheema.khan@globeandmail.com